Books  on 

Mm 

Egypt  and  Chaldaea 

FEB  2H  1903  * 


Division   X)  T  §  3 

v.  4- 


PUBLISHERS'  NOTE 


Messrs.  Kegan  Paul,  Trench,  Trubner  &  Co.,  Ltd.,  beg  to 
announce  that  they  have  still  in  stock  a  limited  number  of  the 
larger  edition  of  the  hieroglyphic  text  and  translation  of  the 
Theban  Recension  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead,  with  the  hiero- 
glyphic vocabulary  by  Dr.  Wallis  Budge,  which  appeared  in 
three  volumes  under  the  title  "  Chapter  of  Coming  Forth 
by  Day,"  late  in  1897. 

Price  for  the  Entire  Work,  £2  10s. 

Volume  I.  contains  all  the  known  Chapters  of  the  Theban 
Recension  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead,  printed  in  hieroglyphic 
type  (pp.  1 — 517),  and  a  description  of  the  papyri  in  the  British 
Museum  from  which  they  have  been  edited,  and  a  list  of 
Chapters,  etc.  (pp.  i. — xl.).  This  edition  is  the  most  complete 
which  has  hitherto  been  published. 

Volume  II.  contains  a  full  vocabulary  (pp.  1 — 386)  to  all  the 
hieroglyphic  texts  of  the  Chapters  of  the  Theban  Recension  of 
the  Book  of  the  Dead  and  to  the  supplementary  Chapters  from 
the  Sa'ite  Recension  which  are  given  therewith  in  Volume  I. 
The  volume  contains  about  35,000  references. 

Volume  III.  contains : — 

Preface  and  list  of  Chapters  (i.-xxxvi.). 

1.  Introduction  (pp.  xxxvii.-cciv.) : — 
Chap.  I.— The  History  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead.  This 
Chapter  is  accompanied  by  eighteen  plates  which  illus- 
trate the  palaeography  of  the  various  Recensions  of  the 
Book  of  the  Dead  from  the  Vth  Dynasty  to  the  Roman 
Period. 


VOL.  IV. 


A 


Chap.      II.— Osiris  and  the  Resurrection. 
„       III. — The  Judgment  of  the  Dead. 

„       IV. — The  Elysian  Fields  or  Heaven.    With  extracts 

from  the  Pyramid  Texts. 
„         V. — The  Magic  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead. 
„       VI. — The  Object  and  Contents  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead. 
„      VII. — The  Book  of  the  Dead  of  Nesi-Khonsu,  about 

B.C.  1000  (English  translation). 
„     VIII. — The  Book  of  Breathings  (English  translation). 
„        IX. — The    Papyrus    of    Takhert-puru-abt  (English 

translation). 

2.  English  Translation  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead 
(pp.  1 — 354).  The  volume  also  contains  three  scenes  from  the 
famous  Papyrus  of  Ani  representing  the  Judgment  Scene,  the 
Funeral  Procession,  and  the  Elysian  Fields,  which  have  been 
reproduced  in  full  colours  by  Mr.  W.  Griggs,  the  eminent 
photo-lithographer. 


iJBoofes  on  l£G£Pt  anfc  Cbalfcaea 


A   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

From  the  End  of  the  Neolithic  Period  to 
the  Death  of  Cleopatra  VII.  b.c.  30 


Vol.  IV. 

EGYPT  AND  HER  ASIATIC  EMPIRE 


Books  on  )£0£pt  ant>  Cbalbaea 


EGYPT 


AND  HER 


ASIATIC  EMPIRE 


E.  A.  WALLIS  BUDGE,  M.A,  Litt.D.,  D.Lit. 


KEEPER  OF  THE  EGYPTIAN  AND  ASSYRIAN  ANTIQUITIES 
IN  THE  BRITISH  MUSEUM 


ILLUSTRATED 


NEW  YORK 

HENRY  FROWDE 

OXFORD   UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
AMERICAN  BRANCH 
1902 


V 


PREFACE 


The  period  of  Egyptian  History  treated  in  the  present 
volume  has  been  continued  from  the  end  of  the  reign 
of  Thothmes  EE.  to  the  end  of  the  rule  of  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty,  i.e.,  from  about  1550  to  1400  B.C.  This  period, 
though  comparatively  short,  is  one  of  extreme  interest, 
for  in  it  the  Egyptians  succeeded  in  establishing  their 
empire  in  Palestine  and  Syria,  and  extended  their  rule 
as  far  eastwards  as  the  city  of  Ni,  which  cannot  have 
been  very  far  from  the  river  Euphrates.  In  this 
period,  moreover,  are  included  the  reigns  of  Thothmes 
III.  and  Amen-hetep  III.,  whose  energy  and  ability 
raised  Egypt  to  an  exalted  position  among  the  civilized 
nations  of  the  world,  and  made  her  feared  by  Nubians, 
Libyans,  and  the  Semitic  tribes  of  the  Eastern  Desert, 
and  of  Sinai,  and  of  Western  Asia.  Thothmes  III. 
consolidated  the  Egyptian  power  in  Nubia  and  Syria, 
and  Amen-hetep  III.  administered  the  vast  empire 
which  his  great  ancestor  had  won  by  his  sword.  On 
the  death  of  Amen-hetep  III.  Egypt  may  be  said  to 
have  extended  from  the  Atbara  river  in  the  Eastern 
Sudan  to  the  city  of  Aleppo  in  Northern  Syria.  Hand 
in  hand  with  the  growth  of  power  went  increase  in  the 
wealth  of  Egypt,  and  the  buildings  which  the  greatest 
kings  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  set  up  in  their  capital, 
Thebes,  testify  to  the  lavishness  with  which  they  spent 
the  money  that  had  been  given  to  them  by  Amen-Pui, 
the  king  of  the  gods.    The  shrines  of  local  gods  which 


viii 


PREFACE 


had  fallen  into  ruin  were  restored  with  a  generous 
hand,  and  on  a  scale  never  before  equalled  and  never 
surpassed.  The  endowments  set  apart  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  sanctuary  and  priesthood  of  Amen-Ka 
were  on  a  hitherto  unknown  scale,  and  the  power 
which  the  priests  enjoyed  in  consequence  was  little 
inferior  to  that  of  the  reigning  family.  Painters, 
sculptors,  architects,  and  engineers  found  abundant 
employment  in  the  capital  in  connection  with  the 
temples  of  the  gods,  and  the  granite  obelisks,  and 
colossal  statues,  and  fine  bas-reliefs  prove  their  skill 
and  ability.  In  short,  the  period  of  the  XYIIIth 
Dynasty  included  the  Golden  Age  of  Egypt,  and 
though  the  kings  of  the  succeeding  dynasties  were 
more  boastful  than  those  of  the  XYIIIth  Dynasty, 
their  works  and  merits  were  far  inferior  to  theirs. 

The  most  interesting,  though  certainly  not  the  most 
important  of  the  kings  of  the  XYIIIth  Dynasty,  was 
Ainen-hetep  IY.,  the  son  of  Amen-hetep  III.  by  the 
Mitannian  princess  Thi.  This  remarkable  woman 
appears  to  have  been  as  intelligent  as  she  was  beautiful, 
and  the  influence  which  she  exerted  on  the  mind  of 
her  son  during  his  boyhood  produced  some  very  un- 
expected results.  He  seems  to  have  imbibed  a  strong 
hatred  of  the  religion  and  worship  which  were  in- 
culcated by  the  powerful  priesthood  of  Amen-Ra  at 
Thebes,  but  whether  this  was  the  result  of  his  mother's 
teaching  or  of  his  own  wish  is  unknown.  This  hatred 
made  itself  apparent  soon  after  his  accession  to  the 
throne,  and  he  lost  no  time  in  declaring  himself  to  be  a 
devout  believer  in  the  worship  of  that  form  of  the  Sim- 


PREFACE 


ix 


god  which  is  now  generally  known  as  the  heresy  of 
the  Disk.  Among  his  titles  he  adopted  that  of  high 
priest  of  Ka-Harmaehis,  but  although  he  was  tolerant 
of  the  worship  of  all  the  ancient  forms  of  the  Sun-god 
of  Heliopolis  he  was  very  hostile  to  the  cult  of  Amen- 
Ka,  the  Sun-god  of  Thebes ;  he  even  went  so  far  as  to 
build  a  shrine  in  honour  of  Harmachis  within  the 
temple  precincts  at  Thebes.  At  length  an  open  rupture 
took  place  between  the  priests  of  Amen  and  himself, 
and,  as  a  result,  he  forsook  the  old  capital  and  built 
himself  a  new  one  further  to  the  north  at  a  place  near 
the  modern  Tell  el-'Amarna.  Here  he  founded  a 
temple  in  honour  of  the  Disk,  and  changed  his  name  to 
Khu-en-Aten,  i.e.,  Glory  of  the  Disk,  and  gathered 
about  him  painters,  sculptors,  and  handicraftsmen  of 
every  kind,  who  developed  a  new  style  of  Egyptian  art, 
which  is  characterized  by  great  realism  and  freedom 
from  conventionality.  The  king,  his  family,  and  his 
courtiers  led  a  life  of  pleasure  here  for  a  few  years,  and 
he  himself  was  perfectly  content  to  neglect  the  affairs 
of  his  empire,  provided  he  could  play  the  part  of  a 
priest  and  bestow  gifts  upon  his  favourites.  Mean- 
while, the  peoples  who  were  subject  to  him  in  Asia 
were  hard  pressed  by  the  Kheta  and  the  allied  nations, 
who  had  by  this  time  become  very  powerful,  and  the 
tribute  which  had  been  paid  for  many  years  past  by 
the  great  cities  of  Syria  and  Palestine  to  Egypt  was 
now  diverted  from  that  country.  The  few  governors  of 
cities  who  were  strong  enough  to  remain  loyal  to  Egypt 
sent  numerous  despatches  to  Amen-hetep  IV.  to  warn 
him  of  the  growth  of  disaffection  and  revolt  throughout 


X 


PREFACE 


their  territories,  and  asked  that  help  might  be  speedily 
sent  to  enable  them  to  maintain  their  authority  and  the 
interests  of  Egypt.  But  their  appeals  fell  on  deaf  ears, 
and  as  no  reinforcements  came  the  possessions  of  Egypt 
in  Western  Asia  fell,  one  after  another,  into  the  hands 
of  the  nomadic  tribes  who  were  strong  enough  to  seize 
whatever  territory  they  wished.  A  very  strong  light 
is  thrown  upon  this  phase  of  Egyptian  history  by  the 
Tell  el-'Amarna  Tablets,  from  which  we  are  able  to 
trace  the  growth  of  the  revolt  from  its  beginning  to  the 
period  when  Egypt  was  compelled  to  abandon  her 
Syrian  dependencies.  These  letters  are  of  such  im- 
portance for  Egyptian  history  that  it  has  been  thought 
well  to  give  a  tolerably  complete  summary  of  their 
contents;  this  will  be  found  on  pp.  184-241  of  the 
present  volume.  The  power  of  Egypt  in  Syria  was 
much  shaken  during  the  regency  of  Hatshepset,  but 
she  at  least  maintained  the  old  traditions  of  the 
country,  and  supported  the  national  priesthood  by 
every  means  in  her  power,  and  spared  no  pains  to  make 
her  capital  great  and  splendid.  Her  descendant  Amen- 
hetep  IV.,  however,  forsook  his  capital,  reviled  the 
national  god,  undermined  as  far  as  possible  the  power 
of  the  national  priesthood,  and,  in  addition  to  all  this, 
succeeded  in  finally  destroying  the  empire  in  Asia 
which  the  earlier  Amen-hetep  and  Thothmes  kings 
had  built  up  with  such  great  expenditure  of  labour 
and  blood,  for  Egypt  never  again  was  really  mistress 
of  that  Asiatic  empire  as  she  had  been  in  the  days  of 
Thothmes  III. 

E.  A.  Wallis  Budge. 


CONTENTS 


Chapter  L — Queen  Hatshepset.    Her  titles.  Her 

ROYAL  DESCENT.     HER  REGENCY.      HER  EXPEDITION 

to  Punt  and  its  great  results.  The  assembly 
of  nobles  in  the  ninth  year  of  her  reign.  the 
temple  of  der  al-bahari  and  the  architect 
Sen-Mut.  The  obelisks  of  Hatshepset  and 
their  inscriptions.  her  mining  operations  and 
the  temple  speos  artemidos.  hatshepset  the 
daughter  of  amen  incarnate  in  her  father. 
Story  of  her  divine  conception  and  the  creation 
of  her  body  by  khnemu.  her  birth  and 
education.  Acknowledged  by  Amen  as  his 
daughter.    Her  journey  through  Egypt.  Her 

CORONATION     AND     REIGN.       ThOTHMES     III.  HlS 

accession  and  titles.  hls  reign  of  fifty-three 
years.  hls  hatred  of  his  aunt  hitshepset. 
His  campaigns  in  Syria.  The  battle  of  Megiddo. 
Attack  upon  Kadesh  on  the  Orontes.  Capture 
and  sack  of  Megiddo.  Conquest  of  Northern 
Syria,  Cyprus,  Kush,  and  Uauat.  Clearing  of 
the  Canal  in  the  Cataract.  Tomb  of  Thothmes 
III.    Annals  of  Thothmes  III.    Summary  of 


xii 


CONTENTS 


conquests.  Building  of  Thothmes  III.  Obelisks 
at  Karnak.  Puam  and  Eekh-ma-EI.  Eomance 
of  Tehuti-a  and  the  taking  of  Joppa.  The 
Apure.  Amen-hetep  II.  Expedition  against 
Thakisa.  Arrival  in  Ni.  Eebellion  at  Akathi. 
Slaughter  of  seven  kings.  Tomb  of  Amen- 
hetep  II.  Discovery  of  his  mummy.  Thothmes 
IV.  Expeditions  to  Nubia  and  Phoenicia. 
The  official  Amen-hetep.  The  Sphinx  buried 
in  sand.    Dream  of  Thothmes  IV.  Eestoration 

OF  THE    TEMPLE    OF    THE  SPHINX.     TABLET  OF  THE 

Sphinx.  Thothmes  IV.  and  Artatama  of  Baby- 
lonia. Amen-hetep  III.  Great  prosperity  of 
Egypt.  Expedition  into  Nubia.  His  wives  from 
Western  Asia.  Gilukhipa,  Tatumkhipa,  Thi. 
Scarabs  and  lion  hunts  of  Amen-hetep  III.  His 
divine  origin.  The  temple  of  Luxor.  The 
Colossi.  Amen-hetep,  son  of  Hap,  and  his 
worship.  Temples  of  El-Kab  and  Soleb.  Tomb 
of  Amen-hetep  III.  His  son  Amen-hetep  IV. 
Queen  Nefertith.  Introduction  of  Aten  wor- 
ship. The  Benben  at  Thebes.  Amen-hetep  IV. 
forsakes  Thebes,   builds  a  new  capital,  and 

CHANGES  HIS  NAME  TO  KhU-EN-AtEN.     WORSHIP  OF 

Aten  a  glorified  materialism.  The  king  a 
priest  of  Aten.  His  palace.  Bek  the  architect. 
Realism  of  Egyptian  art.  Hymns  to  Aten. 
Physical  characteristics  of  Amen-hetep  IV. 
His  tomb  and  mummy.  Family  of  Amen-hetep  IV. 
The  Tell  el-'Amarna  Tablets.  Eevolts  in 
Palestine.  Decline  of  Egypt's  power  in  Syria. 
Character  of  Amen-hetep  IV.  Se-aa-ka-Ea. 
Tut-ankh-Amen.  Eoyal  son  of  Kusii.  The 
capital  of  khu-en-aten  deserted.  thebes  once 
again  the  capital.  klng  al.  heru-em-heb. 
His  life  and  history.  His  courts  of  justice 
and  administration.    expedition  into  syria     .  1 


CONTENTS 


xiii 


Chapter  II. — XVII Ith  Dynasty — Summary.  Decline 
op  Egypt's  power  in  Syria.  A  viceroy  estab- 
lished in  Nubia.  Cuneiform  writing  in  Syria. 
Eelations  of  Egypt  with  Babylonia,  Assyria, 
Mitanni,  etc.  Rise  of  the  Kheta  power.  The 
Keftiu,  Lycians,  Lukki.  The  new  capital 
Khut-en-Aten.  Exclusiveness  of  Aten  worship. 
The  tombs  of  the  kings  at  Thebes.  Eealistic 
development  of  art.  the  temples  and  obelisks 
of  Karnak  and  Luxor.     Architecture.  The 

PRIESTHOOD    OF  AmEN.     EGYPTIAN  OFFICIALS.  THE 

horse  introduced  into  the  egyptian  army.  the 
Golden  Age  of  Egypt  160 

Chapter  III. — The  Tell  el-'Amarna  Tablets.  Their 

DISCOVERY  AND  NUMBER.     LETTER  FROM  AmEN-HETEP 

III.  to  Kallimma-Sin.  Letters  from  Kallimma- 
Sin  to  Amen-hetep  III.  Letters  from  Tushratta 
to  Amen-hetep  III.  Letters  from  Burraburi- 
yash  to  Amen-hetep  IV.    Letter  from  Ashur- 

UBALLIT     TO      AmEN-HETEP     IV.       LETTERS  FROM 

Tushratta  to  Amen-hetep  IV.  Letter  from 
Tushratta  to  Thi,  Queen  of  Egypt.  Letters 
to  the  king  of  egypt  from  alashiya  j  from 
Adad-nirari,  king  of  Nuhashshi  ;  from  Abd- 
ashratum,  governor  of  amurri  j  from  the 
people  of  tunip  ;  from  aziru  to  the  king,  and 

FROM    THE  KING   TO  AziRU  ;    FROM  RlB-ADDA,  KING 

of  gebal  ;  from  rlb-adda  to  amanappa  ;  from 
Rabimur  to  the  king  ;  from  the  people  of  Ir- 

KATA  J  FROM  AMMUNIRA,  GOVERNOR  OF  BeRUT  ; 
FROM  AKIZZI,  GOVERNOR  OF  KATNA  J  FROM  NAM- 
YAWIZA,  GOVERNOR  OF  KUMIDI  ;  FROM  ITAKAMA, 
GOVERNOR  OF  KADESH  ;  FROM  ZlMRIDA,  GOVERNOR 
OF  SlDON  ;  FROM  AbI-MILKI,'  KING  OF  TYRE  ;  FROM 
SURATA  OF  ACCHO  ;  FROM  ZATANA  OF  ACCHO  ;  FROM 
Artamanya,  KING  OF  ZlR-BASHAN  J   FROM  Lapaya 


xiv 


CONTENTS 


AND     SHUARDATA  ;     FROM    MlLKILI    AND    FROM  A 

royal  lady  j  from  abdi-khiba,  governor  of 
Jerusalem  ;  from  Addu-mihir  and  Tagi  ;  from 

BlRIDIYA    OF    MEGIDDO  ;     FROM    WYASHDATA  AND 

Shuardata  ;  from  Abdi-Tirshi  of  Hazor  ;  from 
Yapakhi,  governor  of  Gezer;  from  Widya, 
governor  of  askelon  ;  from  yabitiri,  governor 
of  Gaza  and  Joppa  ;  from  Dagan-Takala  ; 
from  zlmrida  and  yabni-ilu  of  lachish  ;  etc.  .  184 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

1.  Hatshepset,  the  "  Morning  Star  "  .      .      .      .  3 

2.  The  King  and  Queen  of  Punt  and  their  sons 

and  daughters  bringing  gifts  of  the  produce 

of  the  land  to  the  envoy  of  hltshepset       .  7 

3.  The  loading  of  Hatshepset's  ships  in  a  harbour 

at  Punt  with  the  Products  of  Punt       .      .  9 

4.  A  Negro  from  Nubia   45 

5.  Stele  inscribed  with  a  summary  of  the  conquests 

of  Thothmes  III   49 

6.  A  Libyan   .      .  .55 

7.  Statue  of  Netchem,  an  official  of  Thothmes  III.  62 

8.  Statue  of  the  royal  mother  Teta-Khart    .       .  64 

9.  ushabti  figure  of  amen-hetep  ii   71 

10.  Upper  portion  of  the  Stele  of  the  Sphinx  .      .  81 

11.  The  royal  sculptor  Autha  at  work  on  a  statue 

of  princess  baket-aten   91 

12.  The  royal  wife,  the  great  lady  of  the  two 

lands,  queen  of  the  two  lands,  thi  ...  97 

13.  Hunting  Scarab  of  Amen-hetep  III.      .      .      .  100 

14.  Scarab  of  Amen-hetep  III.  describing  the  limits 

of  his  empire   101 

15.  Amen-hetep  III.  and  his  double  being  presented 

to  Amen-ra                                                    .  103 


xvi 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

16.  The  Colossi  of  Amen-hetep  III  107 

17.  Aten  shining  on  the  names  of  Amen-hetep  IV. 

and  his  wife   120 

18.  The  rays  of  Aten  bestowing  "life"  and  "sove- 

reignty"  121 

19.  Amen-hetep  IV.   and  his  wife  bestowing  gifts 

UPON  COURTIERS  123 

20.  Aten  shining  upon  Amen-hetep  IV.  and  his  wife, 

etc  "  127 

21.  Aten  shining  upon  Amen-hetep  IV.  seated  on  his 

THRONE  133 

22.  The  Sarcophagus  of  Ai  147 

23.  Letter  of  Tushratta,  king  of  Mitanni,  to  Amen- 

hetep  III  193 

24.  Letter  of  Rib- Adda  to  the  king  of  Egypt  .  .211 


EGYPT 


AND  HER 

ASIATIC  EMPIRE. 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE  EIGHTEENTH  DYNASTY.    FROM  THEBES. 


Maat-ka,  son  of  the  Sun,  Amen-khnernet-HATSHEPSET. 

Queen  Hatshepset,  the  widow  of 
Thothmes  II.,  though  unmentioned  in 
the  Egyptian  King  Lists,  as  much  de- 
serves to  be  commemorated  among  the 
great  monarchs  of  Egypt  as  any  king  or 
queen  who  ever  sat  upon  its  throne 
during  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  and  for 

USERT-KAU,  &  m  . 

the  Horus  name  of  this  reason  she  is  here  included,  and  the 

Hatshepset. 

great  events  of  her  rule  are  considered  in 
separate  paragraphs  without  reference  to  the  narrative 
of  the  life  and  deeds  of  her  nephew  Thothmes  III. 
The  inscriptions  which  this  great  queen  has  left  behind 
her  show  that  she  adopted  the  following  series  of 
vol.  rv.  b 


U 

uu 


2 


THE  REIGN   OF  HATSHEPSET         [B.C.  1533 


titles : — "  Bestower  of  years,  the  Horns  of  gold,  the 
"goddess  of  risings  [like  the  Sun],  the  conqueror  of  all 
"  lands,  i.e.,  the  world,  beautiful  goddess,  lady  of  the 
"  two  lands,  the  vivifier  of  hearts,  the  mighty  one  of 
"  Jiau,  i.e.,  doubles,"  etc.  One  of  her  earliest  titles  was 
"  Amen  khnemet-hat,"  which  means  something  like 
"  the  chief  bride  of  Amen,"  but  later  she  called  herself 
Hat-shepset,  i.e.,  "  the  first  among  the  favourite 
"  women,"  and  still  later,  apparently  being  wearied  of 
what  seemed  to  her  an  unworthy  title,  she  gave  herself 
the  name  of  Hat-shepsu,  i.e.,  "  the  first  among  the 
"  great  and  honourable  nobles  of  the  kingdom." 1 
Hatshepset  was  associated  with  her  father  Thothmes  I. 
in  the  rule  of  the  kingdom  shortly  before  his  death, 
and  at  this  time  she  appears  to  have  been  unmarried ; 
but  there  is  reason  for  thinking  that,  before  his  death, 
the  old  king  married  her  to  her  half-brother  Thothmes 
II.,  foreseeing  the  trouble  in  the  matter  of  succession 
which  would  inevitably  arise  unless  he  did  so. 
Thothmes  II.  was  of  royal  descent  only  on  his  father's 
side,  but  Hatshepset  was  of  royal  descent  on  her 
mothers  side  as  well,  a  most  important  thing  in  such 
cases,  and  if  she  married  her  brother  he  would  be  able 
to  succeed  to  the  throne  of  Egypt  without  difficulty. 
As  soon  as  Thothmes  I.  was  dead,  his  daughter  Hat- 
shepset and  his  son  Thothmes  II.  became  the  rulers  of 

Egypt- 

1  This  point  was  first  made  by  M.  Naville  in  Recueil,  torn,  xviii. 
p.  91;  and  see  Maspero,  Hist.  Anc,  torn.  ii.  p.  238. 


The  Neter  Tuat  or  high-priestess  of  Amen-Ra,  the  king  of  the  gods,  Maat-ka-Ra, 
or  Hatshepset. 


4 


THE  REIGN  OF  HATSHEPSET        [B.C.  1533 


It  has  been  generally  supposed  that  Thothmes  II. 
was  a  man  who  was  strong  neither  physically  nor 
mentally,  and  that  he  was  unable  to  emulate  the 
exploits  of  his  ancestors  and  personally  conduct  the 
military  expeditions  which,  we  know,  were  carried  out 
during  his  reign ;  this  being  so,  much  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  country  fell  into  his  queen's  hands,  and  it 
is  pretty  certain  that,  though  Thothmes  II.  gained  the 
credit  for  whatsoever  was  done,  Hfitshepset  supplied 
the  plan  for  it,  and  indicated  the  methods  which  were 
to  be  employed  in  carrying  it  out.  The  experience 
which  she  gained  in  the  time  of  her  father  was  of  the 
greatest  use  to  her,  and  her  natural  ability  made  her  to 
profit  by  it  to  the  utmost.  After  a  comparatively 
short  reign  the  king  died,  probably  of  the  disease 
which  has  left  so  many  marks  on  his  body,  and  as 
Thothmes  III.,  the  son  of  her  husband  by  another  wife 
called  Aset,  was  then  a  mere  child,  Hatshepset  naturally 
undertook  the  rule  of  Egypt,  and  we  are  quite  justified 
in  saying  that  the  interests  of  the  country  suffered  in 
no  way  through  being  in  her  hands.  As  far  as  is 
known,  no  really  great  military  expedition  was  under- 
taken by  Hatshepset,  and  when  she  had  made  all 
arrangements  for  the  succession  of  Thothmes  III.,  and 
also  for  his  marriage  in  future  years  with  her  own 
daughter,  who  also  bore  the  name  of  Hatshepset,  she 
undertook  the  development  of  the  natural  resources  of 
the  country,  and  spent  a  great  deal  of  her  energy  and 
ability  in  planning  the  erection   of  buildings  and 


B.C.  1533]        THE  EXPEDITION  TO  PUNT 


5 


obelisks,  and  in  watching  the  carrying  out  of  her 
ideas. 

The  most  important  event  in  the  reign  of  the  queen 
was  the  famous  expedition  to  Punt,  which  was  planned 
and  carried  out  under  her  guidance ;  the  principal 
incidents  of  this  expedition  are  depicted  on  the  walls  of 
her  temple  at  Der  al-Bahari,  which  building  will  be 
described  later.  We  have  already  referred  in  several 
places  to  the  friendly  relations  which  always  seem  to 
have  existed  between  the  Egyptians  and  the  people  of 
Punt,  □         ^     anci  these  were  due  partly  to  the 

AAAAAA   r^^l  r  J 

fact  that  the  entrance  of  the  historical  Egyptians  into 
Egypt  was  connected  with  this  country,  and  partly 
because  the  Egyptians  obtained  from  it  many  of  the 
gums  and  spices  which  were  used  in  embalming  the 
dead,  and  for  making  the  incense  which  was  burnt  in 
the  temples.  The  position  of  Punt  has  been  much 
discussed,  and  many  attempts  have  been  made  to  fix  an 
exact  site  for  it,  but,  speaking  generally,  "  Punt " 
seems  to  have  been  a  name  given  by  the  Egyptians 
to  a  portion  of  the  coast  on  each  side  of  the  southern 
part  of  the  Ked  Sea,  which  they  also  called  Ta-neter, 

1  '  ^e  "  -Divine  Land."  These  names  may  also, 
and  most  probably  did,  include  a  portion  of  Somaliland, 
which,  in  fine  weather,  the  Egyptian  sailors  would 
have  had  no  difficulty  in  reaching.  In  any  case  we 
know  that  the  Egyptians  went  to  Punt  for  gums  and 
spices,  and  it  is  pretty  certain  that  they  went  to  that 


6 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  PUNT         [B.C.  1533 


part  of  it  which  in  later  days  supplied  the  port  of 
Adane  in  Arabia  Felix,  'Apafila  evSalficov,  with  similar 
articles  of  commerce. 

The  expedition  fitted  out  by  Hatshepset  consisted 
of  five  ships,  and  having  made  their  way  down 
the  Ked  Sea,  their  captains  seem  to  have  sailed  up 
some  river  on  the  African  coast,  and  to  have  gone 
a  considerable  distance  inland.1  This  is  indicated 
by  the  fact  that  the  huts  of  the  natives  are  repre- 
sented quite  near  the  water,  and  it  is  more  than 
probable  that  the  place  of  barter  or  market  would  be 
situated  inland.  According  to  some  writers2  the 
market  was  situated  some  distance  up  the  Elephant 
Kiver,  which  runs  between  Has  al-Fil  and  Cape 
Guardafui,  where  ebony  trees  grow  in  abundance,  and 
where  all  the  products  which  the  Egyptians  brought 
back  from  Punt  are  to  be  found.  The  men  of  Punt  wore 
pointed  beards,  and  were  physically  a  fine,  tall,  well-made 
people  ;  they  lived  side  by  side  with  black  or  dark- 
skinned  men,  who  seem  to  have  resembled  some  of 
the  modern  nations  of  Abyssinia.  The  captain  of  the 
expedition,  having  left  his  boat,  marched  with  eight 
men  armed  with  spears  and  bows,  and  advanced  to  the 
place  where  the  gifts  which  were  to  be  offered  by  him 

1  The  most  recent  publication  of  the  reliefs  which  illustrate  the 
expedition  to  Punt  are  published  by  M.  Naville  ;  for  these  and  his 
descriptions  of  them  see  his  Temple  of  Deir  el-Bahari,  3  parts,  folio, 
London,  1896-1898. 

2  Maspero,  Be  Quelques  Navigations  (Bill.  Egyptologique,  torn 
viii.  p.  75  ff.)  ;  Brugsch,  Egypt,  vol.  i.  p.  305. 


8 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  PUNT 


[B.C.  1533 


to  the  prince  of  Punt  on  behalf  of  Hatshepset  were 
laid  npon  a  table  ;  these  gifts  consisted  of  an  axe,  a 
dagger,  some  necklaces,  and  some  bracelets.  He  is 
met  by  the  prince  of  Punt,  who  is  called  Parehu, 

<~^>  fO  ^  ^ ,  and  who  is  followed  by  his  wife  and 

by  their  two  sons  and  daughter,  and  by  an  ass  laden 
with  a  bale  of  goods,  and  by  some  menservants.  The 
prince  carries  a  boomerang,  and  wears  a  dagger  in  his 
belt,  and  his  wife  wears  a  single  yellow  garment ;  the 
lady's  figure  must  have  appeared  strange  to  the 
Egyptian  officer,  but  it  is  said  that  certain  tribes  of 
East  Africa  consider  a  figure  of  the  kind  beautiful,  and 
that  the  young  women  spare  no  pains  in  attaining  to 
such.  The  prince  of  Punt  then  asks  the  Egyptian 
officer  Nehsi  how  he  managed  to  arrive  in  the  country. 
"  Have  ye  come  through  the  sky,  or  did  ye  sail  on  the 
"  the  sea  to  the  land  of  Ta-neter  whereunto  Ka  hath 
"  brought  you  ?  Behold,  there  is  no  road  which  is 
"  stopped  before  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  we  live  by  the 
"breath  which  he  giveth  us."  A  suitable  answer 
having  been  returned,  the  envoy  and  the  prince  proceed 
to  business ;  the  prince  of  Punt  produces  a  large 
number  of  gold  rings,  and  boomerangs,  and  a  great  pile 
of  antiy       °  ^\     ,  gum  for  incense,  and  whilst  these 

AAAAAA        /T\V    I  I  I 

things  are  being  carried  to  his  ships,  the  envoy  Nehsi 
entertains  the  prince  and  the  nobles  of  Punt.  In  ad- 
dition to  these  things,  we  are  told  that  the  Egyptian  ships 
were  loaded  with  dnti  trees,  ebony,  AA^\AA?  hebni, 


10  HATSHEPSET  S  GIFTS  TO  AMEN-RA     [B.C.  1533 

and  ivory,  ^  J]  | ,  and  green  gold,1  ,  of  Amu, 

and  precious  woods,  and  incense,  and  eye-paint,  and 
dog -headed    apes,  ^  j,   and  monkeys, 

^  ^  ' '  an(*  Pantner  (?)  skins.  Products  of  this 
kind  come  from  the  Sudan,  and  must  always  have  done 
so,  and  it  is  therefore  clear  that  the  place  where  the 
Egyptians  went  was  a  well-known  market,  wherefrom 
such  things  were  usually  exported.  In  due  course  the 
ships  arrived  at  Thebes,  where  their  crews  were 
received  with  great  joy.  Of  the  valuable  loads  which 
they  brought  home,  Hatshepset  dedicated  large  offer- 
ings to  Amen-Ka,  and  some  of  the  incense  trees  were 
planted  by  her  orders  in  the  garden  attached  to  the 
temple  of  that  god ;  Thoth,  the  scribe  of  the  gods,  is 
depicted  in  the  act  of  writing  a  list  of  the  myriads  of 
things  which  were  dedicated  by  the  queen  to  the  great 
god  of  Thebes.  We  have  no  means  of  knowing  in  what 
year  the  expedition  was  sent  to  Punt,  but  there  is  reason 
to  believe  that  the  event  took  place  before  the  joint 
reign  of  Hatshepset  and  her  nephew  Thothmes  III., 
and  not  many  years  after  the  death  of  her  husband. 

In  the  ninth  year  of  her  reign  she  gathered  together 
her  nobles  and  proclaimed  before  them  all  the  great 
things  which  her  father  Amen-Ra  had  suggested  to  her 

1  I.e.,  "pure  gold";  compare  the  Ethiopic  rh^'A^^A  : 
(DC*  :  "greenness  of  gold"  in  Psalm  lxvii.  14  (English 
version,  Psalm  Ixviii.  13). 


B.C.  1533]     SHE  ASSUMES  MALE  ATTRIBUTES  II 

to  do,  and  showed  them  how  she  had  performed  them 
all  to  his  entire  satisfaction.  The  journey  to  and  from 
Punt  probably  occupied  two  years,  or  more,  and  thus  it 
is  clear  that  the  expedition  must  have  been  despatched 
in  the  early  years  of  her  reign.  In  the  relief1  which 
represents  the  queen  declaring  what  she  has  done,  she 
appears  in  the  form  of  a  man,  and  she  wears  male  attire ; 
she  is  sometimes  depicted  as  a  boy,  but  she  never 
appears  in  the  form  of  a  woman  except  when  she 
personifies  a  goddess.  When  seated  in  a  shrine  she 
always  wears  the  headdress  of  a  god,  and  to  her  chin  a 
beard  is  attached.  In  the  inscriptions  masculine  pro- 
nouns and  verbal  forms  are  used  in  speaking  of  her, 
and  masculine  attributes  are  ascribed  to  her.  The 
benefits  which  accrued  to  Egypt  through  the  expedition 
to  Punt  must  have  been  of  a  purely  commercial 
character,  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  the  material 
profit  must  have  been  very  considerable ;  the  giraffes, 
leopards,  cheetas,  and  apes  would  serve  for  no  useful 
purpose  in  Egypt,  but  the  gold  and  precious  stones,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  anti  gum,  would  form  very  valuable 
assets.  We  have  already  said  that  no  great  military 
expedition  was  undertaken  during  her  reign,  and  we 
must  therefore  regard  the  statement  that  "  all  countries, 
"  and  all  desert  lands,  and  the  Ha-nebu  [come]  to  the 
"  feet  of  this  beautiful  goddess,  and  all  rational  beings 
"  praise  her  who  is  their  life,"  rather  as  an  evidence 
that  none  of  the  hereditary  foes  of  Egypt  disputed  her 

Naville,  op.  ext.,  Pt.  3,  plate  85. 


12 


PROSPERITY  OF  EGYPT 


[B.C.  1533 


authority  than  that  she  really  conquered  them.  Still, 
it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  during  the  whole  of  her 
comparatively  long  reign  the  Egyptians  enjoyed  a 
period  of  peace  in  which  trade  prospered  and  the  arts 
progressed. 

Though  renowned  through  her  expedition  to  Punt, 
Hatshepset  is  more  famous  as  the  builder  of  the 
Temple  of  Der  al-Bahari,  the  most  beautiful  and 
remarkable  of  all  the  funerary  temples  in  Egypt.  It 
was  built  by  the  great  queen,  partly  according  to  plans 
which  had  been  prepared  during  the  reign  of  her  father 
Thothmes  L,  and  partly  according  to  ideas  of  her  own, 
to  which  a  practical  form  was  given  by  her  distinguished 
architect  Sen-Mut.  Her  object  was  to  provide  a  place 
of  burial  for  her  father  and  herself,  and  those  whoni  she 
loved,  and  a  temple  wherein  on  the  appointed  days 
offerings  might  be  made  to  the  double  of  herself  and  of 
her  father.  The  site  chosen  was  holy  ground,  for  one 
of  the  kings  of  the  Xlth  Dynasty  had  already  built  a 
temple  there  ;  this  temple  is  now  in  ruins.  The  whole 
temple  was  enclosed  by  a  wall,  and  was  approached  by 
means  of  an  avenue  of  sphinxes  which  led  to  the  pylon 
at  the  entrance,  where  stood  two  obelisks.  The  build- 
ing consisted  of  three  platforms  or  terraces,  lower, 
middle,  and  upper,  which  rose  one  above  the  other,  ac- 
cording to  the  rise  of  the  hill  on  the  side  of  which  the 
whole  temple  was  built.  The  middle  and  upper  plat- 
forms were  approached  by  flights  of  steps,  and  the  end 
of  each  platform  rested  upon  a  portico  or  colonnade  ; 


B.C.  1533]     THE  TEMPLE  OF  DER  AL-BAHARI 


13 


the  wall  which  supports  the  upper  platform  was 
ornamented  partly  with  a  series  of  reliefs  which 
illustrated  the  expedition  to  Punt,  and  partly  with 
a  series  of  texts  and  scenes  which  relate  to  the  birth  of 
Hatshepset,  and  her  enthronement  by  Thothmes  I. 
On  the  floor  of  the  upper  platform  are  built  a  series  of 
chambers,  and  the  central  one  extends  backwards  into 
the  mountain,  and  ends  in  a  corridor  and  chamber, 
which  was  probably  the  shrine,  and  which  is  hewn  out 
of  the  mountain  itself.  The  total  length  of  the  building 
itself  was  about  800  feet. 

The  temple  which  Hatshepset  built  with  such 
pleasure,  and  on  which  she  lavished  such  care, 
was  doomed  to  suffer  ill-treatment  at  the  hands  of 
many.  Everywhere  may  be  seen  in  it  the  erasures 
of  her  name  by  her  nephew  Thothmes  III.,  who 
hated  her  with  a  deadly  hatred ;  in  many  places  may 
be  seen  the  erasures  of  the  name  of  the  god  Amen 
which  were  made  by  order  of  the  heretic  king  Amen- 
hetep  IV. ;  and  Barneses  II.,  who  attempted  to  repair 
this  damage,  took  the  opportunity  of  adding  his  own 
cartouches  to  the  inscriptions  in  the  temple  of  the 
great  queen.  It  is  doubtful  if  the  temple  was  ever 
finished,  but  enough  of  it  remains  to  show  that  it  was 
one  of  the  most  graceful  and  artistic  of  all  the  build- 
ings of  Egypt.  In  connection  with  the  temple  of 
Hatshepset  mention  must  be  made  of  her  architect 
Sen-Mut,  |aawa^,  who  was  both  a  master  of  his 
art  and  her  loyal  servant.    It  is  impossible  to  say  with 


14  SENMUT  THE  GREAT  ARCHITECT     [B.C.  1533 


whom  the  idea  of  hewing  a  temple  wholly  or  in  part 
out  of  the  solid  rock  originated,  but  there  is  no  doubt 
that  it  was  the  practical  ability  which  he  possessed 
that  enabled  her  to  carry  out  her  artistic  conceptions 
and  designs,  and  it  says  a  great  deal  for  the  insight 
into  character  and  for  the  good  sense  of  the  ablest 
woman  who  ever  sat  upon  the  throne  of  Egypt,  that  she 
gave  Sen-Mut  the  opportunity  of  building  an  edifice 
which  has  shed  glory  on  the  name  both  of  the  subject 
and  of  his  great  sovereign. 

The  late  Dr.  Lepsius  published 1  the  inscrip- 
tions which  are  found  on  a  statue  of  Sen-Mut  in 
the  Berlin  Museum,  and  from  these  we  see  that  he 
held  numbers  of  high  offices  in  connection  with 
the  temple  and  estates  of  the  god  Amen,  and  in  the 
queen's  household.  On  one  shoulder  of  the  statue 
are  the  words  "  not  were  found  in  writing  ancestors," 

<^K  k  W 1  ?  7*  $  i- words  wWch  have 

been  supposed  to  indicate  that  Sen-Mut  was  a  man  of 
low  birth  and  origin  ;  but  this  is  not  necessarily  their 
meaning,  and  they  only  imply  that  no  account  of  his 
ancestors  had  been  kept.  As  a  matter  of  fact  we  know 
from  his  sepulchral  stele  that  his  mother  was  called 

Hat-nefer,  <^p  J,  and  his  father  Ea-mes,  ®  ^  [1.  The 

queen,  however,  rewarded  him  well,  for  we  see  from  the 
main  inscription  that  he  was  an  erpd  ha  prince,  and  a 


1  Lepsius,  Denkmdler,  iii.  pi.  25. 


B.C.  1533]     AND  THE  GREAT  GRANITE  OBELISKS  15 


smer  greatly  "  beloved,  and  the  steward  of  the  temple  oi 
"Amen."  Lower  down  he  says,  "I  was  a  noble  who 
"loved  his  lord  (i.e.,  Hatshepset  in  her  capacity  as 
"  king),  and  I  entered  into  the  favour  of  the  lady  of  the 
"  two  lands.  He  magnified  me  before  the  two  lands, 
"  and  he  made  me  the  upper  door  (i.e.,  entrance)  of  his 
"house,  and  the  inspector  of  his  lands  like  his  ...  . 
"  I  was  made  chief  of  the  chiefs,  and  the  overseer  of  the 

"  overseers  of  his  works,  *  ^  *-~*T[  \  ^  ^) '  ^ 
"  was  in  this  land  under  his  orders  ....  and  I  was 
"alive  in  the  reign  of  the  lady  of  the  two  lands,  the 
"king  of  the  South  and  North,  Maat-ka-Ba,  living  for 
"  ever !  "  Sen-Mut  seems  to  have  been  the  "  father  of 
"  the  chief  nurse  of  the  royal  daughter,  the  mistress  of 
"  the  two  lands,  the  divine  wife  Ka-neferu." 

Among  other  works  which  Sen-Mut  performed  for  the 
great  queen  must  be  mentioned  the  bringing  of  the 
"  two  great  obelisks " 1  from  the  granite  quarries  of 
Aswan  to  Thebes,  for  it  was  certainly  one  of  the  most 
wonderful  of  all  his  achievements.  They  were  set  up 
at  Karnak,  behind  the  two  obelisks  of  Thothmes  L, 
and  were  dedicated  by  Hatshepset  to  the  memory  of 
her  father  Thothmes  I. ;  one  has  fallen  down,  and  only 
a  portion  of  it  still  remains,  but  the  other  still  stands, 
and  is  a  true  witness  of  the  marvellous  skill  which  was 
possessed  by  the  engineers  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty 

1  °  ®  ^  \\  jj^         texenui  urui ;  see  Lepsius,  DenJcmciler,  iii. 
pi.  25  q. 


l6  HATSHEPSET'S  OBELISKS  [B.C.  1533 

in  the  working  of  an  intractable  stone  like  granite. 
In  connection  with,  this  statement  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  they  had  no  elaborate  mechanical 
appliances,  and  that  all  the  means  available  to  help 
them  in  moving  such  huge  masses  of  stone  consisted  of 
ropes,  wedges,  levers,  rollers,  a  knowledge  of  the  use  of 
the  inclined  plane,  and  human  labour;  they  had  neither 
cranes  nor  hydraulic  jacks,  and  even  if  they  were  ac- 
quainted with  the  pulley  it  would  help  them  little  in  the 
raising  of  an  obelisk  of  granite.  Originally  there  was 
a  single  vertical  column  of  hieroglyphics  running  down 
each  of  the  four  sides  of  each  obelisk,  but  afterwards 
scenes  were  added,  in  which  Hatshepset  and  her  father 
and  brother  are  depicted  in  the  act  of  making  offerings 
to  Ainen-Ra;  the  name  of  this  god  was  erased,  and  often 
his  figure  also,  by  ximen-hetep  IV.,  the  heretic  king, 
but  it  was  re-cut  wherever  possible  by  the  early  kings  of 
the  XlXth  Dynasty.  On  each  of  the  four  sides  of  the 
base  of  the  standing  obelisk  are  eight  lines  of  inscrip- 
tion, which  record  the  queen's  names  and  titles  and 
declare  her  object  in  setting  up  the  obelisks.  She 
says,  "  She  (i.e.,  herself)  hath  made  monuments  to  her 
"  father  Amen,  the  lord  of  the  thrones  of  the  two  lands, 
"  the  dweller  in  the  Apts,  and  she  hath  made  for  him 
"  two  great  obelisks  of  granite  of  the  south,  and  the 
"  summit  of  each  is  covered  with  copper  and  gold,  the 
"very  best  which  can  be  obtained  from  the  countries  of 
"  the  world.  They  shall  be  seen  from  untold  distances, 
"  and  they  shall  flood  the  two  lands  with  their  rays  of 


B.C.  1533]  AND  THEIR  INSCRIPTIONS 


17 


"  light,  and  the  Disk  riseth  up  between  them  in  the 
"morning,  even  as  he  riseth  from  the  horizon  of 
"heaven.  I  have  done  these  things  because  of  the 
"loving  heart  which  I  possess  towards  my  father 
"Ameu.  I  have  entered  where  he  hath  led,  and  I 
"  have  done  my  utmost  to  act  according  to  his  august 
"  will,  and  from  the  very  beginning  I  never  hesitated  to 
"  do  so.  I  make  these  things  known  unto  those  who 
"will  come  into  being  during  the  double  hen  period,1 
"  whose  minds  will  consider  this  monument  which  I 
"  have  made  to  my  father,  and  whose  words  will  form 
"  questions  concerning  it  when  they  have  looked  upon 
"  it.  I,  as  I  sat  in  the  palace,  remembered  who  it  was 
"that  made  me,  and  my  heart  wras  moved  to  make  for 
"  him  two  obelisks  with  copper  and  gold  [on  their 
"  summits],  which  should  tower  up  among  the  pillars 
"  in  this  venerable  hall  which  stands  between  the  two 
"  great  pylons  of  the  king,  the  mighty  bull,  the  king  of 
"the  South  and  North,  Aa-kheper-ka-Ka  (Thothmes 
"  I),  and  should  pierce  the  sky.  I  have  [dedicated] 
"these  twro  great  obelisks,  which  have  been  worked 
"  with  copper  and  gold,  to  [my]  father  Amen  with  the 
"  desire  that  my  name  should  abide  permanently  in  this 
"temple,  and  endure  there  for  ever  and  for  ever. 


i 


Each  obelisk  is  a  monolith  (literally,  '  stone  one,' 

/WW\A      ^  i-i? 

1  _),  and  has  in  it  neither  join  nor  division. 


l  0  /ww\a  — 1  ^>  ^  <y  henti,  literally,  two  periods  of  60  years, 
120  years. 

vol.  rv.  c 


i8 


HATSHEPSET  S  OBELISKS 


LB.C.  1533 


"  My  Majesty  began  to  work  on  them  on  the  first  day 
"  of  the  second  month  of  the  season  Pert,  of  the  fifteenth 
"year  of  my  reign,  and  continued  so  to  do  until  the 
"  last  day  of  the  fourth  month  of  the  season  of  Shemut, 
"in  the  sixteenth  year  of  my  reign,  that  is  to  say,  the 
"  work  lasted  seven  months 1  from  the  time  when  it 
"was  begun  in  the  mountain"  [at  Aswan].  The 
height  of  the  obelisk  of  Hatshepset  now  standing  is 
about  ninety-eight  feet,  and  it  has  been  estimated  to 
weigh  over  3650  tons ;  these  figures  will  give  an  idea 
of  the  vast  amount  of  skill  and  practice  required  to  cut 


1  The  following  is  the  Egyptian  calendar  :  — 


I 

I  I 
I  I  I 
I  I  I  I 


i   ^  o 


1 1  ^  o 


MONTH. 

Thoth.b 
Paopi. 
Hath  or. 
Khoiak. 
To  hi. 
Mekhir. 


I  I  i  ^r© 


1 1 1 1  <=>  0 


/WWV\  (I 

■  www  ^ 
~=-\  I    \\  IQ 

I    1      /WWV\  o 


ririQ 

AA/WNA 


MONTH. 

Phatnenoth. 

Pharmuthi. 

Pakhon. 

Paoni. 

Epgp. 

Mes6re.e 


a  Season  of  sowing. 

b  The  month  of  Thoth  began  on  August  29. 

c  Season  of  growing. 

d  Season  of  harvest  and  inundation. 

e  The  year  consisted  of  12  months,  each  containing  30  days,  and 
of  5  epagomenal  days. 


B.C.  1533] 


THE  SPEOS  ARTEMIDOS 


19 


the  blocks  out  of  their  beds  in  the  quarry,  and  to  float 
them  down  the  river,  and  to  set  them  up  without  break 
or  injury ;  and  when  we  remember  that  the  quarrying, 
and  transport,  and  erection,  and  inscribing  were 
all  done  in  seven  months  the  matter  savours  of  the 
marvellous. 

To  carry  on  her  great  building  operations  Hatshepset 
found  it  necessary  to  work  the  old  quarries  in  Egypt, 
and  the  inscriptions  in  the  Wadi  Maghara  and  else- 
where in  the  Sinaitic  Peninsula  prove  that  the  old 
mines  there  also  were  re-opened,  and,  judging  from  the 
queen's  well  attested  practical  ability,  they  wTere  profit- 
ably worked  under  competent  superintendence.  The 
ruins  of  buildings  in  many  parts  of  Egypt  contain  the 
name  of  Hatshepset,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  the 
restorations  wrhich  she  carried  out  were  both  many  in 
number  and  considerable  in  extent,  but  the  fragmentary 
inscriptions  which  are  found  upon  them  teach  us 
little.  Of  special  interest,  however,  is  the  remarkable 
little  temple  which  she  built  in  honour  of  the  goddess 
Pakht  near  the  modern  Arab  village  of  Beni  Hasan  in 
Upper  Egypt ;  the  Greeks  called  it  "  Speos  Artemidos," 
and  the  name  by  which  it  is  known  to  the  Arabs  is 
"Stabl  'Antar,"  i.e.,  the  "Stable  of  £Antar,"  a  famous 
Arab  hero  who  was  endowed  with  all  the  strength, 
beauty,  and  ability  which  it  is  possible  for  mortal  man 
to  possess.  In  this  temple  M.  G-olenischeff  copied  in 
1881  an  inscription  which  throws  considerable  light 
upon  the  building  policy  of  Hatshepset,  and  shows 


20     HATSHEPSET  REBUILDS  THE  TEMPLES     [B.C.  1533 


that  she  restored  the  shrines  of  many  gods  and 
goddesses,  and  re-established  their  worship  in  them, 
and  it  seems  as  if  she  presented  them  with  images 
m|tde  of  gold  and  copper,  r^ri  ° .  She  claims  that 
"my  will  made  foreign  lands  to  submit,"  1  and  that  the 
foreign  peoples   Rushau,   <=j=>  ^  ^ ,  and 

Inn,  V^^^Jvp  "did  not  hide  themselves  from 
before  her  Majesty."  She  cleared  out  and  rebuilt  the 
temple  of  the  goddess  Hathor  of  Cusae,         |1  ^ ,  whose 

shrine  had  become  completely  buried  under  the  ruins 
of  the  building,  and  whose  hall  had  become  a  play- 
ground for  the  children,2  who  danced  about  in  it,  and 
she   repaired   the   shrines   of  the  Khemenniu  gods 

Z  Z  (j  (j  ^  ^  j,  and  of  Khnemu,  and  Heqet,  and  Ee- 

nenet,  and  Meskhenet,  and  Nehemauai,  and  Nehebkau. 
Most  interesting  of  all,  however,  is  the  passage  in 
which  the  queen  says,  "  Hearken  unto  me  then,  0  ye 
"  people,  whosoever  ye  may  be :  I  have  done  these 
"things  with  a  humble  and  a  lowly  heart.  I  have 
"  made  to  flourish  again  that  which  was  in  ruins,  and  I 
"  have  raised  up  the  buildings  which  were  begun  in  olden 
"  time,  for  there  were  the  Aamu,  ^  ^  ^  j ,  in 
"hordes  in  the  middle  of  the  country  of  the  north  and 


B.C.  1533]        DESTROYED  BY  THE  HYKSOS 


21 


"in   Avaris,   ^  rj^|  j^rj^p  anc*  nor(les  of  foreigners, 

<<nn  y  \  ^  \  a  $  !•  °f  their  pe°pies  °ver" 

"threw  the  buildings,  and  they  reigned  having  no 
"  knowledge  whatsoever  of  the  god  Ka." 1  In  the 
Aamu  who  are  mentioned  here  we  have  a  plain  refer- 
ence to  the  Semitic  hordes  who  are  commonly  called 
Hyksos,  and  the  allusions  to  the  destruction  of  build- 
ings which  they  wrought,  and  to  their  city  Avaris, 
make  it  quite  certain  that  Hatshepset  is  speaking  of 
the  older  period  of  the  occupation  of  the  country  when 
they  destroyed  the  temples  of  the  gods,  and  knew 
nothing  about  the  god  Ka  and  his  worship.  The  inscrip- 
tion is  of  great  value,  as  showing  that  the  queen  was 
wishful  to  care  for  the  shrines  of  the  old  goddesses  as 
well  as  for  the  comparatively  new  god  Amen-Ea,  the 
king  of  the  gods. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  one  of  Hatshepset's 
titles  was  "  Khnemet  Amen,"  i.e.,  "  she  who  is  closely 
related  to  Amen,"  and  we  know  that  it  was  a  title  of 
very  rare  occurrence,  and  in  the  case  of  Hatshepset  it 
was  believed  to  have  a  very  special  signification,  for  she 
thought  that  she  was  the  offspring  of  the  god  Amen,  and 
bone  of  his  bone,  and  flesh  of  his  flesh.  On  the  northern 
wall  of  the  middle  colonnade 2  of  her  temple  at  Der  al- 

Bahari,  which  she  called         jj  "  Tcheser-Tcheser," 

1  See  the  paper  and  text  by  Golenischeff  in  Recucil.  torn.  iii. 
pp.  1 — 3 ;  torn.  vi.  p.  20. 

2  Naville,  op.  cit.,  pt.  11,  pi.  46  ff. 


22       HATSHEPSET  DAUGHTER  OF  AMEN-RA     [B.C.  1533 

i.e.,  the  "  Holy  of  Holies  "  [of  Amen]  are  a  number  of 
scenes  which  are  very  important  as  showing  the  views 
which  the  queen  held  as  to  her  origin.  The  god  Amen 
one  day  summoned  the  twelve  great  gods  of  Egypt  to 
him,  i.e.,  Menthu,  Temu,  Shu,  Tefnut,  Seb,  Nut,  Osiris, 
Isis,  Nephthys,  Set,  Horus,  and  Hathor,  and  told  them 
that  a  great  princess  was  to  be  born,  and  asked  them  to 
take  her  under  their  protection  and  to  make  her  rich 
and  prosperous,  for,  said  he,  "  I  am  going  to  unite  in 
"  peace  for  her  the  two  lands,  and  I  am  going  to  give 
"her  all  lands."  The  gods,  of  course,  agreed  to  do 
what  Amen  asked  them.  This  having  been  arranged, 
Ihoth,  the  spirit  of  the  creator,  led  the  god  Amen  into 
the  place  where  was  queen  Aahmes,  who  became  the 
mother  of  Hatshepset,  and  he  caused  Amen  to  make  her 
to  inhale  the  breath  of  life.  Next  Amen  took  upon 
himself  the  form  of  Thothmes  I.,  the  husband  of  queen 
Aahmes,  and  entered  into  a  chamber  and  took  his  seat 
opposite  to  her ;  with  his  right  hand  he  presented  to 
her  the  symbol  of  "  life,"  ■¥-,  and  with  his  left  he  held  to 
her  nostrils  another  symbol  of  "life,"  wherefrom  she 
inhaled  the  breath  and  attribute  of  "life."  The  god  and 
the  queen  sat  upon  a  seat  which  was  supported  by  the 
goddesses  Neith  and  Selq ;  these  goddesses  sat  upon  a 
couch,  the  tops  of  the  four  legs  of  which  were  made  in 
the  form  of  the  heads  of  lions.  The  queen  received  the 
caresses  of  the  god  with  joy,  and  she  inhaled  from  him 
the  breath  of  life,  and  as  Amen  was  about  to  leave  her 
he  announced  to  her  that  she  would  give  birth  to  a 


B.C.  1533]       KHNEMU  CREATES  HER  BODY 


23 


daughter  who  would  be  his  own  child,  and  who  would 
reign  over  the  two  lands  of  Egypt,  and  would  become 
the  sovereign  of  the  whole  world. 

When  the  god  left  the  queen  he  sent  for  Khnemu, 
the  god  who  is  said  to  have  assisted  in  performing 
the  behests  of  Thoth  which  resulted  in  the  creation 
of  the  world,  and  to  have  fashioned  the  first  man 
upon  a  potter's  wheel,  and  asked  him  to  fashion  for 
him  the  body  of  his  daughter,'  who  was  about  to 
be  born  into  this  world  of  queen  Aahmes.  In 
answer  to  Ainen's  request  Khnemu  replied,  "I  will 
"fashion  the  body  of  thy  daughter  for  thee,  and  her 
"  appearance  shall  be  more  glorious  than  that  of  the 
"gods,  since  she  is  destined  to  the  exalted  rank  of 
"  King  of  the  South  and  North."  Thereupon  Khnemu 
fashioned  two  bodies  exactly  alike,  and  since  Hatshepset 
decreed  that  she  was  to  be  represented  in  male  form, 
the  bodies  were  made  to  be  those  of  two  little  boys  ;  one 
was  that  of  the  future  queen  (king),  and  the  other  that 
of  her  ha  or  "double,"  which  whether  in  life  or  in  death 
was  never  to  leave  the  body  of  the  queen.  When 
Khnemu  had  finished  fashioning  the  bodies  his  work 
was  done ;  but  they  were  without  life,  and  remained 
inanimate  until  the  goddess  Heqet,  the  wife  of  Khnemu, 
who  was  represented  in  the  form  of  a  frogheaded  woman, 
stepped  forward,  and  having  knelt  down,  held  up  to  their 
nostrils  the  symbol  of  life,  wherefrom  they  inhaled  the 
breath  of  life,  and  so  became  living  souls. 

When  Khnemu  had  created  the  bodies  of  the  queen  and 


24  HEQET  GIVES  HER  A  SOUL         [B.C.  1533 

her  ha,  Thotli  went  to  her  mother  Aahmes  and  recited 
to  her  the  titles  and  dignities  which  had  been  ordered  to 
be  conferred  upon  the  daughter  to  whom  she  was  about 
to  give  birth.  At  length,  when  her  appointed  time 
arrived,  Khnemu  and  his  wife  Heqet  led  her  into  the 
chamber  where  she  was  to  bring  forth  Hatshepset,  and 
among  the  titles  which  were  given  to  her  was  one  which 
declared  that  she  was  to  be  the  "  sovereign  of  all  women," 
JJ  ^  ^  ^  ^  ^  (jue  course  the  queen  gave  birth 
to  her  daughter  Hatshepset  in  the  presence  of  several 
goddesses,  and  of  the  spirits  of  the  North,  and  South, 
and  East,  and  West,  and  of  the  goddess  Meskhenet,  the 
genius  of  the  birth  chamber,  and  of  the  deities  Ta-urt  and 
Bes  ;  the  queen  received  her  daughter  in  her  arms,  and 
a  goddess  standing  behind  her  at  the  same  time  touched 
her  on  her  head  with  the  symbol  of  life.  Shortly  after 
this  Amen  went  to  see  his  daughter  Hatshepset,  and 
she  was  shown  to  him  by  the  goddess  Hathor,  and  as 
soon  as  he  saw  her  he  addressed  her  as  "  daughter  of 
"  my  body,  Maat-ka-Ra,  emauation  glorious,  thou  ex- 
"  alted  issue  of  my  loins,  thou  shalt  sit  upon  the  throne 
"of  Horus  and  have  dominion  over  the  two  lands  like 
"  Ra."  Amen  then  took  his  daughter  into  his  arms, 
and  embraced  her  and  kissed  her  lovingly,  and  declared 
that  she  should  be  the  sovereign  of  Egypt.  Hatshepset, 
having  been  acknowledged  by  her  father,  was  then 
handed  over  to  the  Hathor  goddesses  and  the  other 
deities  who  presided  over  the  rearing  and  safety  of 
children,  and  the  fourteen  kau,  or  "  doubles,"  which 


» 


B.C.  1533]     SHE  IS  ACKNOWLEDGED  BY  AMEN  25 

were  attributed  to  her,  were  reared  by  the  same  means. 
In  due  course  she  was  presented  to  each  of  the  great 
gods  of  the  Egyptians,  and  from  each  of  them  she 
received  some  gift  which  assisted  in  the  development 
of  her  mind  and  body. 

When  a  certain  period  in  her  childhood  was  reached 
she  wras  taken,  probably  to  the  temple,  by  the  gods 
Amen  and  Horus,  and  was  then  made  to  submit 
to  a  ceremony  of  purification  which  these  gods 
performed  upon  her  by  pouring  water  over  her 
head;  this  ceremony  seems  to  be  the  equivalent  of 
baptism  among  Christian  nations.  After  the  purifi- 
cation Amen  showed  the  queen,  who  had  male  form,  to 
the  gods,  and  when  they  had  looked  upon  her  they  said 
to  him,  "We  bestow  life  and  peace  upon  this  thy 
"  daughter  Hatshepset ;  behold,  she  is  thy  daughter, 
"  and  she  is  sprung  from  what  came  forth  from  thee, 
"  and  thou  didst  beget  her,  and  she  is  equipped  with  all 
"thy  qualities.  Thou  hast  given  unto  her  thy  soul, 
"  and  the  homage  which  is  paid  to  thee,  and  thy  words 
"  of  power,  and  thy  great  crown.  Whilst  she  was  yet 
"  in  the  womb  of  her  mother  all  lands  and  countries 
"  were  hers,  yea,  whatsoever  is  covered  by  the  sky  and 
"  surrounded  by  the  sea.  All  these  things  thou  makest 
"to  be  her  possessions,  and  thou  knowest  the  hen  1 
"  periods  which  thou  wilt  give  her ;  and  we  will  grant 
"  unto  her  a  portion  of  life  like  unto  that  of  Horus,  and 


Literally,  henti  periods  ;  see  above,  p.  17. 


26  HATSHEPSET'S  JOURNEY  THROUGH  EGYPT  [B.C.  1533 

"years  equal  unto  those  of  the  god  Set,  with  power." 
When  the  ceremony  of  purification  was  ended  Hat- 
shepset  set  out  with  her  human  father,  Thothmes  I.,  to 
visit  the  shrines  of  the  gods  of  Egypt,  and  she  is  at  this 
time  described  as  being  "  most  beautiful,  with  the  voice 
"  of  a  god,  and  the  form  of  a  god,"  and  her  soul  was  that 
of  a  god,  and  she  acted  in  every  way  like  a  god;  she  was 
a  "  beautiful  damsel,"  and  the  goddess  Uatch  made  her 
form  and  beauty  to  increase.  She  went  to  the  shrines 
of  Hathor,  Uatchet,  Amen,  Temu,  Menthu,  Khnemu, 
and  all  the  other  gods  of  the  South  and  North,  and  they 
accepted  her,  and  took  her  under  their  protection  ;  and 
they  foretold  what  she  would  do  when  she  came  to 
reign.  It  is  pretty  clear  from  the  wording  of  the  in- 
scription which  relates  these  details  that  the  young- 
princess  made  a  pilgrimage  which  extended  as  far  as 
Per-XJatchet  in  the  north  and  as  Elephantine  in  the 
south ;  Heliopolis  is  mentioned  among  the  cities  which 
she  visited,  but  not  Abydos,  the  shrine  of  Osiris.  On 
her  way  it  is  probable  that  certain  repairs  and  restora- 
tions were  carried  out  by  her  father  -and  herself,  for 
the  texts  speak  of  her  as  "  restoring  what  was  in 
"  ruins,  and  setting  up  monuments  in  thy  temples,  and 
"  providing  the  altars  of  the  god  who  begot  thee  with 
"  offerings  in  abundance."  The  gods  in  their  speech 
also  refer  to  her  great  deeds,  and  say,  "  Thou  makest  thy 
"  way  through  mountainous  lands  innumerable,  and 
"  makest  thyself  master  of  them  j  thou  seizest  the  lands 
"  of  the  Theheimu  1  ;  thou  smitest  with  thy 


B.C.  1533]  SHE  IS  MADE  CO-REGENT 


27 


"  weapons  the  devilish  Anti  j|  jj  and  cuttest  ofif 

"the  heads  of  their  soldiers;  thou  art  master  of  the 
"  nobles  of  Betennu,  Q  Y\  r^^i ,  with  slaughter- 

AAAAAA  — Zl 

"  ings  after  the  manner  of  thy  father  ;  thou  hast  tribute 
"from  the  people  and  takest  prisoners  by  hundreds  of 
"  thousands ;  thou  makest  them  to  be  workmen  on  the 
"lands  and  estates  of  the  temples,  and  thou  bringest 
"  sacrifices  (or  offerings)  into  the  temple  of  the  Apts 
"  (i.e.,  Karnak)  to  the  steps  of  the  shrine  of  the  king 
"  Amen-Ka,  the  lord  of  the  thrones  of  the  two  lands."  1 
After  Hatshepset  had  visited  the  shrines  she  was 
again  presented  to  the  god  Amen,  who  superintended 
the  performance  of  another  ceremony  in  which  she  was 
brought  into  a  sacred  chamber  and  was  arrayed  in 
the  garb  of  the  god  Osiris,  and  was  made  to  hold  in  her 
hands  the  whip  (or,  flail)  and  crook  (or  sceptre),  with 
which  this  god  is  always  represented,  and  the  united 
crowns  of  the  South  and  North  were  placed  upon  her 
head.  The  princess  Hatshepset  was  then  ready  to  be 
crowned  ruler  of  all  Egypt,  and  although  her  elevation 
to  the  throne  seems  to  have  been  against  the  wishes  of 
the  greater  number  of  the  people  of  Egypt,  her  father, 
Thothmes  I.,  determined  to  make  her  co-regent.  To 
carry  this  into  effect  he  caused  a  suitable  tent  to  be 
prepared,  and  the  princess,  having  donned  the  garb  of  a 
man,  was  led  forth  by  her  father,  who  said  to  the  assem- 
bled nobles,  "  I  hereby  set  my  daughter  Hatshepset 

1  For  the  text  see  Naville,  op.  cit,  p.  3,  plate  57. 


28  CORONATION  OF  HATSHEPSET     ~  [B.C.  1533 

"  in  my  place  and  seat  her  upon  my  throne,  and  from 
"  this  time  forward  she  shall  sit  on  the  holy  throne  with 
"  steps.  She  shall  give  her  commands  unto  all  the 
"  dwellers  in  the  palace,  and  she  shall  be  your  leader, 
"and  ye  shall  hearken  unto  her  words,  and  obey  her 
"  commands.  Whosoever  shall  ascribe  praise  unto  her 
"shall  live,  but  he  who  speaketh  evil  against  her 
"  Majesty  shall  die."  The  nobles  heard  the  words  of 
the  king  and  forthwith  they  cast  themselves  down 
before  their  new  sovereign  and  did  homage,  and  then 
they  rose  up  and  danced  for  joy ;  when  the  king  saw 
that  they  accepted  his  daughter,  though  a  maiden,  as 
their  ruler  he  rejoiced,  and  ordered  the  chiefs  of  the 
learned  men  to  come  into  his  presence  and  to  draw  up 
the  "great  names"  of  the  new  queen,  i.e.,  her  Horus 
name,  and  the  other  names  which  have  already  been 
described  at  the  beginning  of  this  section.  The  names 
having  been  decided  upon,  the  new  queen  was  led  into 
the  "great  house,"  and  the  god  Khas,  poured 
water  over  her,  and  when  this  was  done  she  went 
into  another  part  of  the  building,  where  the  double 
crown  was  placed  upon  her  head  by  two  priests,  who 
had  dressed  themselves  to  represent  the  gods  Horus 
and  Set ;  the  day  on  which  this  ceremony  was  performed 
was  made  the  first  day  of  a  new  chronological  era,  and 
the  reign  of  the  queen  was  reckoned  from  it.  The  above 
is  a  brief  account  of  the  ceremonies  which  were  per- 
formed when  Thothmes  I.  decided  that  the  "  daughter  of 
Amen  "  should  become  the  queen  of  Egypt. 


B.C.  1533]      THE  REIGN  OF  THOTHMES  III. 


29 


6. 


1 


Ka-kekht-kha- 
em-Uast, 
the  Horus  name  of 
Thothmes  III. 


son  of  the  Sun,  Tehuti-mes  [III.]. 

Tehuti-mes  III.,  or  Thothmes  III., 
the  Misphragmuthosis  of  Manetho,  was 
the  son  of  Thothmes  II.  by  the  queen 
Aset,  and  the  nephew  of  the  great  queen 
Hatshepset,  and  the  grandson  of  Thoth- 
mes I. ;  according  to  the  versions  of  the 
King  List  of  Manetho  which  have  come 
down  to  us,  he  reigned  twenty- six  years, 
but  the  dated  monuments  prove  that  he 
claimed  to  have  reigned  more  than  double 
that  time,  and  that  he  must  have  in- 
cluded in  his  reckoning  the  years  which 
he  ruled  as  co-regent  with  his  aunt.  He  ascended  the 
throne  on  the  third  or  fourth  day  of  the  first  month  ot 
the  season  Shemut,  i.e.,  the  month  Pakhon,  or  Pakhons, 
when  he  was  still  a  child,  and  the  royal  titles  assigned 
to  him  were,  "  Mighty  Bull,  rising  like  the  sun  in 
Thebes,"  "Mighty  Bull,  crowned  with  truth,"  "the 
Lord,  maker  of  created  things,"  "  Mighty  Bull,  exalted 
by  truth,"  "the  King,  established  like  the  sun  in 
heaven,"  "the  Horus  of  gold,"  "holy  one  of  crowns," 
"  Prince,  doubly  brave,"  and,  of  course,  "  lord  of  the 
shrines  of  Nekhebet  and  Per-Uatchet."  Thothmes 
died  on  the  last  day  of  the  third  month  of  the  season 


30 


DEATH  OF  HATSHEPSET 


[B.C.  1533 


Pert,  i.e.,  the  month  Phainenoth,  in  the  fifty-fourth 
year  of  his  reign,  and  he  must  therefore  have  reigned 
about  fifty-three  years,  twenty-one  years  as  co-regent 
with  Hatshepset,  and  about  thirty-two  years  alone.  In 
the  last  year  or  two  of  his  life  he  seems  to  have  associated 
Amen-hetep  II.  with  him  in  the  rule  of  the  kingdom. 

As  soon  as  Hatshepset  died,  Thothmes  III.  found 
himself  compelled  to  undertake  a  series  of  warlike 
expeditions  on  a  scale  which  the  Egyptians  had  never 
before  contemplated,  for  in  every  portion  of  the  Egyptian 
empire  the  nations  that  had  paid  tribute  to  his  aunt 
suddenly  refused  to  continue  to  do  this,  and  all  the 
desert  tribes  in  Western  Asia  and  in  Nubia  threw  off 
the  Egyptian  yoke,  and  proclaimed  themselves  in- 
dependent. The  punishments  which  Thothmes  I.  had 
inflicted  upon  them  were  entirely  forgotten,  and  the 
new  generations  which  had  grown  up  during  the  reigns 
of  Thothmes  II.  and  Hatshepset  seem  never  to  have 
had  any  deep-seated  fear  of  those  sovereigns  of  Egypt, 
and  leagues  against  Egypt  were  made  by  the  allied 
tribes,  each  with  the  other,  in  a  quick  and  alarming- 
manner.  The  young  king  of  Egypt,  for  he  must  have 
been  under  thirty  years  of  age,  soon  found  that  the 
policy  of  Hatshepset  had  brought  in  its  train  serious 
trouble,  and  that  almost  every  tribe  and  nation  which 
had  formerly  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  Egypt  was 
in  a  state  of  hostility  towards  him.  Hatshepset  boasted 
that  the  people  of  Northern  Syria  paid  tribute  to 
her,  but  it  is  quite  clear  that  even  in  her  time  Egypt 


B.C.  1533]    HATSHEPSET  HATED  BY  THOTHMES  III.  31 

had  well-nigh  lost  in  that  country  the  influence  which 
her  father  had  obtained  there  ;  in  fact,  the  Syrian,  and 
the  man  of  the  desert,  and  the  Negro  were  all  waiting 
for  her  death,  and  all  seem  to  have  decided  that  when 
this  event  took  place  they  would  cease  to  carry  their 
gifts  to  Egypt,  where  they  were  employed  chiefly  in 
building  great  temples  in  honour  of  gods  who  were 
strange  to  them.  Of  the  private  life  and  character  of 
Thothmes  III.  we  know  nothing,  but  the  inscriptions 
which  he  left  behind  on  his  buildings  at  Karnak  prove 
that  he  was  both  a  great  soldier  and  a  great  builder. 
It  may  be  urged  that  he  displayed  the  possession  of  a 
small  mind  in  hammering  out  the  inscriptions  and 
figures  of  queen  Hatshepset  from  the  walls  of  her 
temple  at  Der  al-Bahari,  but  considering  the  strength 
of  his  hatred  for  his  aunt,  and  his  absolute  power,  the 
wonder  is  not  that  he  destroyed  so  much,  but  that  he 
did  not  destroy  more.  We  can  only  be  thankful  that 
he  did  not  overthrow  the  whole  building. 

The  chief  authorities  for  the  military  expeditions 
undertaken  by  Thothmes  III.  are  the  official  Annals 
which  are  inscribed  on  a  part  of  the  Temple  of 
Karnak,1  and  an  inscription  of  Amen-em-heb,  one  of 
the  generals  of  Thothmes  III.,  who  died  in  the  reign 
of  Amen-hetep  II.  and  was  buried  at  Kurna,  on  the 

1  For  the  texts  see  Lepsius,  Denhndler,  iii.  plates  31  and  32 ; 
Mariette,  Karnak,  pi.  5  ff.  ;  Maspero,  Recueil,  torn.  ii.  p.  48  ff .  ; 
Birch,  The  Annals  of  Thothmes  III.,  London,  1853  (Archaeologia, 
vol.  xxxv.  p.  116-166). 


32 


THE  REIGN  OF  THOTHMES  III.      [B.C.  1533 


western  bank  of  the  Nile,  opposite  Thebes ;  from 
these  the  following  facts  have  been  compiled : — 
The  Annals  open  with  a  statement  to  the  effect 
that  Thothmes  III.  gave  the  order  that  the  narrative 
of  the  victories,  and  a  list  of  the  spoil  which  he  had 
gained  by  them,  should  be  inscribed  upon  the  temple 
built  by  him  in  honour  of  the  god  Amen-Ka,  who 
had  made  him  to  be  victorious.  On  the  25th  day 
of  the  fourth  month  of  the  season  Pert  (i.e.,  Phar- 
muthi),  in  the  22nd  year  of  his  reign,  Thothmes  III. 
was  in  the  city  of  Tchalu,  © ,  in  his  first 

campaign  to  enlarge  the  frontiers  of  Egypt.  The  people 
of  the  country  of  the  Kethennu,  ^  ,  had  been  in 

a  disturbed  state  for  some  years  past,  and  the  only 
loyal  cities  that  were  left  to  Egypt  were  Sharuhen, 

andlrtcha,  \\  (j  <=>  J         r^^i ,  and 


the  villages  as  far  as  the  swamps.  On  the  third  day  of 
the  first  month  of  the  season  Shemut  (i.e.,  Pakhon),  in 
the  23rd  year  of  his  reign,  which  was  the  anniversary 
of  his  accession  day,  Thothmes  III.  was  at  Gaza, 
S  J  ^  ^>  r^v^i  Katchatu,  which  he  left  two  days 
later  in  order  to  set  out  on  the  expedition  which  Amen- 
Ea  had  ordered  him  to  undertake.  The  next  day,  the 
6th,  he  arrived  at  Ihem,  (j  (j  \£j  ,  where  he 

held  a  council  of  war,  and  learned  that  the  peoples  of 
Neherina,  and  the  Shasu,  and  the  Kharu,  and  the 
Qetshu  had  made  a  league  together,  and  had  assembled 


B.C.  1553]        HIS  EXPEDITION  INTO  SYRIA 


33 


all  their  horses  and  chariots  in  order  to  do  battle  with 
the  king  of  Egypt ;  he  discussed  with  his  officers 
which  route  to  follow  in  order  to  reach  Megiddo 
quickly,  for  the  rebellion  had  spread  with  great 
rapidity,  and  the  whole  country  was  in  revolt. 

Of  the  three  roads  which  led  to  Megiddo,  two  were 
rejected  by  the  generals  as  unsuitable,  but  the  king- 
decided  to  march  there  by  one  of  them,  and  his  officers 
were  obliged  to  say  that  they  would  follow  him  whither- 
soever he  went,  and  they  prayed  that  his  god  Amen 
would  guard  him.  Thereupon  Thothmes  III.,  having 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  army,  set  out,  and  his 
troops  advanced  in  single  formation,  and  marched 
through  the  rocky  valleys  to  the  north  of  Carmel. 
After  one  day's  rest  he  marched  on  again,  and  he 
succeeded  in  collecting  all  his  forces  at  a  place  a 
little  to  the  south  of  the  city  of  Megiddo  soon 
after  noon ;  later  in  the  day  the  king  held  a  council 
of  war,  when  he  decided  to  give  battle  to  the 
allied  rebels  in  Megiddo  on  the  following  day,  and 
the  generals  then  returned  to  their  companies  and 
informed  them  of  the  positions  which  they  were  to 
occupy  on  the  following  day.  In  the  evening  rations 
were  served  out,  and  when  sentries  had  been  posted, 
the  Egyptian  host  settled  down  for  the  night,  with 
the  exception  of  the  king,  who  refused  to  lie  down  until 
he  Had  trustworthy  news  that  all  was  quiet.  At  day- 
break on  the  21st  the  whole  army  marched  out  in 
single  formation,  its  right  wing  resting  on  the  river 

VOL.  IV.  D 


34 


ATTACK  ON  MEGIDDO 


[B.C.  1533 


and  its  left  stretching  out  along  the  plain  and  reaching 
to  Megiddo  on  its  north-western  side ;  the  king- 
standing  upright  in  his  bright  metal  chariot  occupied 
the  centre,  and  to  his  troops  he  appeared  like  the  god 
Horus  with  his  spear,  or  the  god  Menthu  of  Thebes. 
The  allied  hosts  of  the  enemy,  who  did  not  expect  to 
be  attacked  so  early  in  the  day,  were  struck  with 
horror  and  dismay,  and  having  left  their  chariots  and 
horses  they  fled  to  the  city  for  refuge,  but  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  city,  seeing  what  had  happened,  and 
having  no  wish  that  the  Egyptian  soldiers  should  gain 
possession  of  the  city  as  well  as  capture  their  enemies, 
promptly  shut  the  gates  and  refused  to  open  them. 
Some  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  let  down  cords  and 
drew  up  the  leaders  of  the  revolt  by  means  of  them 
over  the  walls ;  in  this  way  the  prince  of  Kadesh  and 
the  prince  of  Megiddo  escaped  from  the  Egyptians, 
but  the  fear  of  the  king  of  Egypt  had  paralyzed  them, 
and  their  limbs  shook  with  terror  at  the  sight  of  the 
slaughter  which  he  had  made. 

Meanwhile  the  Egyptians  returned  to  the  stricken 
field,  and  gathered  together  the  gold  and  silver  plated 
chariots  of  their  enemies,  and  the  daggers  and  other 
weapons,  and  having  cut  off  a  hand  from  each  corpse, 
and  collected  their  prisoners,  they  brought  all  their  spoil 
before  the  king,  whom  they  greeted  with  shouts  of  joy. 
The  king,  however,  was  not  as  well  pleased  as  they 
were,  for  had  they  pressed  home  their  first  attack  and 
followed  up  their  foes  to  the  walls  of  Megiddo,  instead 


B.C.  1533] 


SURRENDER  OF  MEGIDDO 


35 


of  turning  aside  to  take  spoil,  the  city  would  have 
been  in  his  hands,  and  to  have  taken  the  city  that  day 
would  have  been  equivalent  to  taking  a  thousand  cities, 
because  all  the  leaders  of  the  revolt  were  shut  up 
inside  it.  The  only  thing  left  for  the  king  to  do  was 
to  take  the  city,  and  with  this  object  in  view  he  made 
his  arrangements.  He  stationed  his  soldiers  round  the 
city,  and  having  provided  shelters  for  them  made  of  the 
wood  of  the  trees  which  he  cut  down,  he  caused  a  ditch 
to  be  dug  all  round  the  city ;  he  encircled  the  ditch 
with  a  wooden  fence,  behind  which  he  placed  his 
men,  and  to  the  east  he  built  a  sort  of  blockhouse 
which  he  called  "  Men-kheper-Ra-uah-Sati," 1  and 
occupied  it  himself.  The  inhabitants  of  Megiddo  soon 
found  that  they  could  not  get  out  to  obtain  supplies, 
and  that  supplies  could  not  be  brought  in  to  them,  and 
when  they  further  discovered  that  the  Egyptian  soldiers 
kept  constant  vigil  they  surrendered  to  Thothmes  III., 
and  marching  out  they  brought  gifts  and  laid  them  at 
his  feet.  The  annalist  says  that  a  diary  of  the  war 
was  kept,  and  that  all  the  mighty  deeds  which  were 
performed  by  the  king  were  written  therein,  and  that 
a  copy  of  it  was  made  upon  a  leather  roll  which  was 
laid  up  in  the  temple  of  Amen. 

The  spoil  obtained  from  Megiddo  was  very  great ;  and 
among  other  things  enumerated  in  the  list  are  2041  mares, 
340  prisoners,  191  young  horses,  200  suits  of  armour, 

1  I.e.,  "  Men-kheper-Ra  who  quieteth  the  Asiatics." 


36 


THE  SPOIL  OF  MEGIDDO  [B.C.  1533 


502  bows,  924  chariots,  one  chariot  with  a  canopy  plated 
with  gold,  the  chariot  of  a  chief  which  also  was  gold 
plated,  the  tent  of  the  prince  of  Kadesh  with  its  seven 
poles  of  choice  wood  inlaid  with  silver,  1949  oxen,  2000 
goats,  296  bnlls,  20,500  sheep.    Among  this  booty  were 
83  hands,  each  of  which  had  been  cut  off  from  a  dead 
foe,  and  thus  it  seems  that  the  actual  loss  of  life  in  the 
battle  was  not  very  great.    From  the  country  of  Syria 
generally  the  king   also   obtained   much   spoil  and 
many  prisoners,  viz.,  1796  men  and  women  slaves,  103 
starving  captives  of  the  enemy,  87  sons  of  chiefs  and 
others,  a  large  Syrian  cup,  a  large  number  of  vases  and 
vessels  of  all  shapes  and  sizes,  97  swords  weighing 
1784  pounds,  gold   and   silver  rings  weighing  966 
pounds,  a  silver  statue  with  a  head  of  gold,  objects 
made  of  ivory,  ebony,  etc.,  inlaid  with  gold,  thrones 
and  footstools,  ivory  and  cedar-wood  tables  inlaid  with 
gold  and  precious  stones,  the  sceptre  of  the  chief  of  the 
enemy  inlaid  with  gold,  vessels  of  bronze,  clothing,  etc. 
By  the  orders  of  the  king  a  list  was  made  of  all  the 
corn  lands  which  lay  between  Megiddo  and  the  waste 
lands,  and,  the  amount  of  the  corn  which  they  produced 
in  one  harvest  having  been  calculated  by  the  king's 
officer,  the  people  of  the  district  were  compelled  to  give 
208,000  measures  of  corn,  and  this  did  not  include 
what  the  Egyptian  troops  had  cut  for  their  use  mean- 
while.   With  this  great  booty  Thothmes  III.  returned 
to  Egypt,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  appre- 
ciated highly  the   results   of  the  expedition  which 


B.C.  1533]      SECOND  EXPEDITION  TO  SYRIA  37 

brought  into  their  possession  such  vast  quantities  of 
valuable  property. 

In  the  24th  year  of  his  reign  Thothnies  III. 
set  out  on  his  second  expedition  against  the  tribes 
of  Palestine  and  Syria,  and  he  brought  back  with 
him  pieces  of  lapis-lazuli,  vessels  of  gold,  and  silver, 
and  precious  stones,  which  had  been  brought  to  him 
by  the  governor  of  Assyria,  and  a  king's  daughter,  and 
ornaments  of  gold  and  silver,  lapis-lazuli,  65  slaves, 
9  chariots  plated  with  gold,  bulls,  oxen,  sheep  and 
goats,  suits  of  bronze  armour,  823  vessels  of  incense, 
1718  vessels  of  wine,  honey,  ivory,  and  precious  woods 
from  the  chiefs  of  the  Rethennu.  In  the  25th  year  of 
his  reign  Thothmes  III.  marched  into  Northern  Syria, 
and  occupied  the  whole  of  the  country  to  the  west  of 
the  city  of  Aleppo  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Karkemish;  in  addition  to  the  various  gifts  which 
were  given  to  him  by  the  tribes  which  may  be  described 
as  his  vassals,  he  brought  back  a  number  of  plants  or 
shrubs  which  were  highly  prized  in  Egypt,  for  he 
wished  to  introduce  the  cultivation  of  them  into  the 
country.  These  plants  were  so  highly  appreciated 
that  representations  of  them  were  sculptured  upon 
the  walls  of  the  temple  of  Amen-Ra,  at  Thebes. 
Thothmes  III.  sent  expeditions  into  Syria  in  the  26th 
and  27th  years  of  his  reign,  but  no  records  of  them 
have  been  preserved.  It  is  probable  that  they  were 
only  undertaken  to  collect  the  annual  tribute  which 
the  Egyptian  king  had  imposed  upon  the  tribes  of  the 


38 


SIXTH  EXPEDITION  TO  SYRIA       [B.C.  1533 


country,  for  had  there  been  any  serious  fighting  we 
should  probably  have  been  told  about  it  by  some 
officer  or  general  like  Amen-em-heb.  In  the  28th 
year  of  his  reign  Thothmes  III.  marched  into  Syria, 
with  the  intention  of  reducing  the  whole  country  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Aleppo ;  this  done  lie  marched  to 
Karkemish,  and  passing  the  "water  of  Neherna"  he 
entered  and  took  possession  of  the  country  of  Mitanni, 
^  ^  /wwv"  r^^i  Mdthena,  one  of  the  chief  cities 
of  which   was   Tunip,  □  ^\  r^^i  Thenpu3  or 

/WWV\  II 

^  _H    \\  Ms  Tunipa ;   the  spoil  taken  from 

the  city  comprised  gold,  silver,  lapis-lazuli,  vessels 
of  copper,  and  some  hundreds  of  captives,  and  the 
Egyptians  seized  a  boat  on  one  of  the  rivers  near, 
which  was  laden  with  copper.  On  the  return  journey 
to  Egypt  Thothmes  III.  attacked  the  flourishing  city 
of  Arvad,  apparently  about  the  end  of  the  time  of 
harvest,  for  the  corn  was  being  threshed,  and  the 
grapes  were  being  trodden  in  the  wine-presses;  the 
city  was  taken,  and  the  trees  cut  down,  and  the  land 
laid  waste,  and  when  the  Egyptian  soldiers  had  laden 
themselves  with  all  they  could  carry  they  departed 
to  their  own  country,  fully  satisfied  with  their  booty. 
They  took  with  them  silver,  copper,  precious  stones, 
incense,  wine,  grain,  horses,  sheep  and  cattle,  etc. 

In  the  30th  year  of  his  reign  Thothmes  III.  set  out  once 
more  to  the  country  of  the  Eethennu,  and  wheresoever 
he  went  he  cut  down  the  trees  and  reaped  the  corn ; 


B.C.  1533]     CAPTURE  OF  KADESH,  SIMYRA,  ETC.  39 


lie  took  the  cities  of  Kadesh,  \j  c=^3  ^  rv^i }  and 
Simyra,  J  r^^i  Tchamdru,  and  made  another 

attack  upon  the  city  of  Arvad,  (j  ^  <=^>  "jj  ^  ^  r^-^i 
Aruthtu,  which  was  once  more  despoiled.  It  seems 
that  the  chiefs  of  the  country  had  not  yet  decided  to 
accept  the  rule  of  Egypt  without  a  struggle,  for  in 
order  to  ensure  their  good  behaviour  Thothmes  III. 
felt  obliged  to  carry  some  of  their  sons  and  brothers  off 
to  Egypt  and  to  hold  them  there  as  hostages.  Among 
the  spoil  taken  on  this,  the  sixth  expedition  of  the 
king,  were  nearly  200  prisoners,  188  mares,  and  40 
chariots.    In  the  31st  year  of  his  reign  Thothmes  III. 

took  the  city  of  Anruthu,  j|  s=>  ^  r^i ,  which 
seems  to  have  been  situated  on  a  river  or  lake  in 
Northern  Syria  called  Neserna,  *~~<  /WWNA'^^  1=L,  and 
captured  about  500  prisoners,  together  with  a  number 
of  horses  and  chariots ;  on  the  same  expedition  the 
chiefs  of  the  Eethennu  paid  him  a  very  large  tribute, 
which  comprised  the  usual  precious  metals  and  stones, 
copper,  sheep  and  cattle,  etc.  On  his  return  to  Egypt 
he  found  a  company  of  people  who  had  been  sent  from 
Nubia,  and  the  country  lying  to  the  south  of  it,  to 
present  to  him  tribute,  which  consisted  of  gum,  cattle, 
ivory,  ebony,  and  black  slaves ;  and  the  people  of 
Uauat,  a  district  in  Nubia,  sent  a  number  of  cattle. 

Of  the  expedition  in  the  32nd  year  of  the  reign  of 
Thothmes  III.  we  know  nothing,  but  in  his  33rd  year 


4o 


ELEPHANT  HUNT  NEAR  NI 


[B.C.  1533 


he  marched  through  the  land  of  Tchahi,  I  ra  V\  or 
Phoenicia,  and  then  on  to  the  country  of  Nehern,  or 

/WWV\   <^3>        AA/WV\  ^>   ^1  ]  ■ 

Neherina,         /www  u     \s\         ;  he  took  all 

'   ra  ra  /www  9 

the  cities  in  this  region,  and  killed  or  put  to  flight 


their  inhabitants,  and  in  the  city  of  Ni,    ^   (j  (j  ^  > 

which  was  situated  near  a  river,  he  set  up  a  memorial 
tablet,  side  by  side  with  the  tablet  which  his  grand- 
father, Thothmes  I.,  had  set  up  there,  to  mark  the 
limit  of  the  Egyptian  Empire  to  the  east  in  Western 
Asia.  The  city  of  Ni  was  formerly  supposed  to 
represent  the  city  of  Nineveh,  but  this  was  due 
to  a  misunderstanding,  whereby  the  words  "  en  Ni," 

/WWW    f\  f\ 

wvaaa        (1  (I  r^^i ,  "  of  the  country  of  Ni,"  were  read 

"  Neni "  or  "Nini,"  which  in  the  early  days  of  Egypto- 
logy was  thought  to  be  a  faithful  transcription  of  the 
Hebrew  form  of  the  name  Nineweh,  The  name  of  the 
city  of  Nineveh  seems  not  yet  to  have  been  found  in 
the  hieroglyphic  inscriptions,  probably  because  the  city 
was  not  yet  in  existence,  but  if  it  was  it  was  too  far  to 

the  north  in  the  kingdom  of  Assyria,  (j  |1  ^  ^  <^Xs] 
Assure,  to  be  of  any  great  size  or  importance.  Whilst 
Thothmes  III.  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ni,  accord- 
ing to  the  statement  of  one  of  his  generals  called 
Amen-em-heb,  he  hunted  elephants  and  slew  one 
hundred  and  twenty.    Among  those  who  sent  a  gift  to 

o      /www  <<=i 

him  was  the  king  of  Sinjar,  [p=n  ^      ^  Z5  H£\ 


B.C.  1533]     TRIBUTE  FROM  PUNT,  UAUAT,  ETC.         4 1 


Sankaru,  who  probably  had  his  capital  in  the  Sinjar 
Mountains,  near  the  site  of  the  modern  city ;  he  sent 
to  Thothmes  III.  some  genuine  lapis-lazuli,  and  a 
quantity  of  the  excellent  imitation  of  the  stone  which 

was  made  in  those  days  at  Bebru,  JJ  Jj  <^T^,  a  place 

that  has  been  identified  with  Babylon.  In  this  year 
the  chiefs  of  the  Kuthennu,  and  of  the  lands  of  the 
Khatti,  and  Punt,  and  Uauat,  also  sent  gifts  and 
tribute. 

In  the  34th  year  of  his  reign  Thothmes  III.  again 
marched  into  Tchahi,  and  then   on  to  the  district 

of  Anaukasa,     [j    (j  ^  ^  r^^i ,  which  was 

situated  in  the  Lebanon  mountains ;  here  he  took  a 
number  of  the  inhabitants  prisoners,  and  the  chiefs  of 
the  city  gave  him  quantities  of  gold,  silver,  precious 
stones,  woods,  chariots,  mares,  asses,  etc.  In  the  same 
year  the  chiefs  of  the  island  of  Asi  (Cyprus?),  sent 
to  him  large  quantities  of  copper  of  two  kinds,  lead, 
ivory,  thrones,  etc. ;  and  Kush  and  Uauat,  two  great 
districts  of  Nubia,  sent  slaves,  male  and  female,  ivory, 
ebony,  cattle,  and  grain.  The  tribute  of  the  chiefs  of 
the  Ruthennu  was  very  great  this  year,  and  we  may 
note  that  balks  of  timber  were  brought  in  boats  to 
Egypt,  for  the  building  of  the  palace  of  the  king.  In 
the  35th  year  of  the  reign  of  Thothmes  III.  the  king 
again  marched  to  Tchahi  (Phoenicia),  and  then  went 
on  and  attacked  the  city  of  Areana,  at  or  near  which 
the  king  of  Nehern  (Western  Babylonia)  had  collected 


42 


TRIBUTE  OF  THE  SHASU  [B.C.  1533 


a  number  of  horses  and  men  in  order  to  resist  the 
advance  of  the  Egyptian  king.  The  result  was  the 
usual  one,  for  the  Egyptians  defeated  their  foes,  who 
were  compelled  to  give  them  chariots  inlaid  with  gold 
and  silver,  suits  of  armour,  weapons  of  bronze,  bows, 
etc.,  and  to  promise  to  pay  tribute  in  future  years.  In 
the  same  year  the  people  of  Kush  also  sent  the  usual 
gifts  of  slaves,  ivory,  ebony,  cattle,  etc.,  besides  a  large 
quantity  of  grain. 

The  thirteenth  expedition  of  Thothmes  III.  took 
place  in  the  38th  year  of  his  reign,  and  having 
marched  into  Phoenicia  he  directed  his  course 
towards  the  district  of  Anaukasa;  having  laid  waste 
one  or  more  rebellious  cities,  the  inhabitants  came 
and  brought  to  him  gifts  similar  in  many  respects 
to  those  of  the  neighbouring  nations.  The  kings  of 
Arurekh,  Asi  (Cyprus  ?),  Punt,  and  Uauat  also  sent 
tribute.  In  the  39th  year  of  his  reign  Thothmes  III. 
marched  into  the  land  of  the  Retkennu,  and  using  this 
country  as  a  base  for  operations,  he  made  attacks  upon 
the  nomad  desert  tribes  that  lived  in  the  country  of 
Western  Mesopotamia,  and  were  called  the  Shasu, 
T^T  — [X]  ^  '  •  We  have  no  details  of  the 
result  of  these  attacks,  but  it  is  probable  that 
the  great  shehhs  who  were  owners  of  large  flocks 
and  herds,  and  who  could  not  in  consequence  escape 
into  the  desert,  gave  gifts  to  the  king  of  Egypt,  which 
were  duly  enumerated  among  the  tribute  which 
was  received  during  that  year.    But  Thothmes  III. 


B.C.  1533]    THE  EGYPTIAN  GENERAL  AMEN-EM-HEB  43 

could  never  have  possessed  any  real  power  over  the 
purely  desert  tribes,  for  by  retreating  into  the  fastnesses 
of  the  desert,  to  which  they  were  well  accustomed,  they 
were  able  to  place  themselves  beyond  the  reach  of  their 
pursuers.  Want  of  water  has  always  been  a  serious 
obstacle  to  the  passage  of  that  "  great  and  terrible 
desert,"  and  the  transport  arrangements  of  the  Egyptian 
army  must,  even  under  Thothmes  III.,  have  been  of  a 
most  elementary  character. 

In  the  40th  and  41st  years  of  his  reign  he  received 
tribute  from  the  kings  of  Cyprus,  Kethennu,  Kheta, 
and  from  the  Nubian  districts  of  Kush  and  Uauat. 
In  the  42nd  year  of  his  reign  he  made  his  last 
expedition  into  Northern  Syria,  and  on  this  occasion 
he  laid  waste  the  cities  of  Tunep,  Arkata,  and  all 
the  region  round  about  the  city  of  Kadesh,  and  part 
of  the  country  of  Nehern.  His  general,  Amen-em-heb, 
tells  us  that  one  day  whilst  the  forces,  both  chariots 
and  soldiers,  of  Thothmes  were  drawn  up  ready  to  make 
an  attack,  the  king  of  Kadesh  turned  out  a  mare  and 
sent  her  towards  the  Egyptian  stallions,  which  at  once 
became  very  much  excited  and  were  on  the  point  of 
breaking  loose.  The  situation  was,  however,  saved  by 
Amen-em-heb,  who  ran  after  the  mare  and  having  ripped 
her  open  with  his  sword,  cut  off  her  tail,  which  he 
presented  to  the  king.1  The  tribute  collected  by 
Thothmes  III.  on  this  expedition  was  very  large,  and  it 
comprised  about  700  prisoners,  about  300  slaves,  male 

1  See  Borchardt,  Aey.  Zeitschrift,  vol.  31,  1893,  p.  61. 


44 


DEATH  OF  THOTHMES  III.  [B.C.  1533 


and  female,  horses,  mares,  vessels  of  gold  and  silver, 
skins  of  beasts,  lead,  suits  of  armour,  lapis-lazuli,  copper, 
etc.  In  the  same  year  the  people  of  Uauat  sent  a  large 
quantity  of  gold  to  the  king,  and  the  prince  of  another 
foreign  land,  probably  near  Uauat,  sent  him  a  vessel  in 
silver,  and  three  massive  vessels  in  bronze.  The  Annals 
end  with  the  account  of  the  expedition  undertaken  in 
the  42nd  year  of  the  king's  reign.  It  is  impossible  to 
think  that  no  further  expeditions  were  undertaken 
during  the  last  twelve  years  of  the  reign  of  Thothmes 
III.,  for  had  this  been  the  case  few,  if  any,  of  the  tribes 
and  nations  would  have  paid  the  tribute  due  from  them  ; 
but  it  is  extremely  probable  that  the  king  no  longer 
conducted  them  in  person,  and  that  he  handed  over  the 
command  of  further  expeditions  to  his  son  or  to  his 
generals. 

In  the  50th  year  of  his  reign  it  seems  as  if  some 
military  operations  were  conducted  against  the  Nubians, 
for  an  inscription,  which  was  discovered  by  the  late 
Mr.  Wilbour,  on  a  rock  on  the  Island  of  Sahal  in  the 
First  Cataract,  mentions  that  on  the  22nd  day  of  the 
first  month  of  the  season  Shemut,  in  the  50th  year  of 
the  reign  of  Thothmes  III.,  the  king  commanded  that 
the  old  canal  in  the  Cataract,  which  had  become  blocked 
up  with  stones,  should  be  cleared  out,  and  that  this 
having  been  done  he  went  on  his  way  to  the  south  with 
a  joyful  heart.1 

Four  years  later  the  king  died,  on  the  30th  day 

1  RecueiJ,  torn.  xiii.  p.  203. 


B.C.  1533]  TOMB  OF  THOTHMES  III. 


45 


of  the  mouth  Phanienoth,  and  was  buried  in  a  tomb 
which  was  specially  prepared  for  him  in  the  Valley  of 
the  Tombs  of  the  Kings. 
This  tomb  was  discovered 
by  M.  Loret  in  the 
spring  of  1898,  and  it 
lies  at  a  short  distance 
from  the  tomb  of 
Eameses  III.  The  walls 
of  the  chambers  of  the 
tomb  are  ornamented 
with  figures  of  gods, 
and  inscriptions,  among 
others  being  a  long  list 
of  gods,  and  a  complete 
copy  of  the  funeral  work 
entitled,  "  Book  of  know- 
ing what  is  in  the  under- 
world." On  a  column  in 
the  second  chamber  we 
see  a  figure  of  Thothmes, 
followed  by  those  of  his 
mother  Aset,  and  his 
wives  and  daughter. 
The  sarcophagus  was,  of 
course,  found  to  be 
empty,  for  the  king's 
mummy     was     removed  a  xegro  from  Nubia, 

from  its  tomb  to  the  hiding-place  at  Der  al-Bahari, 


46  THE  MUMMY  OF  THOTHMES  III.  WRECKED  [B.C.  1533 


where  it  was  found  with  its  coffin  about  twenty 
years  ago.  The  mummy  measured  rather  less  than 
five  feet  in  height,  and  when  it  was  opened  in  July, 
1881,  it  was  found  to  be  in  a  most  deplorable  state ; 
it  had  been  broken  into  three  pieces  by  the  tomb 
robbers,  in  ancient  days,  but  these  had  been  placed 
together,  and  the  whole,  with  the  help  of  some  short 
pieces  of  wood,  which  were  employed  to  give  the  body 
rigidity,  had  been  re-bandaged,  probably  at  some  time 
in  the  XYIIIth  Dynasty.  The  covering  was  torn  into 
three  strips,  and  was  inscribed  with  a  most  interesting- 
text,  which  is  now  known  as  Chapter  CLIV.  of  the  Book 
of  the  Dead,1  and  with  extracts  from  the  funeral  work 
which  is  generally  called  the  "Litauy  of  the  Sun."  One 
vertical  line  of  hieroglyphics  2  states  that  it  was  king 
Amen-hetep  II.,  the  son  of  Thothmes  III.,  who  made 
il  monuments  to  his  father,"  and  "  who  had  the  texts 
"  which  would  make  the  spirit  of  the  deceased  king 

"  perfect  done  in  writing,"  \ 

It  has  already  been  said  that  the  Annals  of 
Thothmes  III.  are,  in  places,  very  fragmentary,  but 
there  are  two  documents  which  must  be  noticed  in 


|  /WW 

I 


1  The  oldest  copy  of  this  Chapter  is  found  in  the  Papyrus  of  Nu 
(Brit.  Mus.  No.  10,471,  sheet  18)  ;  see  my  Chapters  of  Coming 
Forth  by  Day,  text,  p.  398. 

2  Maspero,  Les  Mamies  Royales,  p.  548. 


B.C.  1533]     THE  CAMPAIGNS  OF  AMEN-EM-HEB  47 


connexion  with  them ;  the  first  is  the  inscription 1 
which  is  found  on  the  walls  of  the  tomb 2  of  Amen-em- 
heb  at  Shekh  cAbd  al-Kurna,  and  the  second  is  the 
inscription  on  the  stele  of  Thothmes  III.  preserved  in 
the  Cairo  Museum,  in  which  the  god  Amen  addresses 
the  king  and  gives  a  summary  of  all  the  great  works 
which  he  made  him  to  do.  Amen-em-heb  tells  us  that 
he  was  the  greatly  trusted  and  intimate  friend  of  the 
king  of  the  South  and  North,  and  that  he  followed  his 
lord  to  the  lands  of  the  North  and  South.    He  went  to 

/www     n  -a 

the  land  of  Nekeb  11  fe^.        ,  near  Aleppo,  and 

captured  three  prisoners  alive ;  when  he  went  with 
the  king  to  Nehern  he  captured  another  prisoner, 
and  later,  when  he  went   to   the   country  of  Uan, 

V  "  0  C3  **lh  c^3'  to  tne  west  °f  Aleppo, 
n   a/ww\  / 

1  1^  <=\^>  -J  ^  Kharebu,   he   captured  13 

prisoners  of  the  Aamu,  70  asses,  13  bronze  weapons, 
etc.    He   next   went   with  his  king  to  Karkemish, 

jXj,  where  he 


\\  \\ 


captured  more  prisoners,  and  sailing  over  the  "water 
of   Nehern,"   he    entered   the  region   of  Sentchar, 

|  J,        <7>  ]        *    He  was  Present  at  tne  siege  of 


1  See  Ebers,  Aeg.  Zeitschrift,  1873,  pp.  1-9,  63,  64;  Chabas, 
Melanges,  torn.  ii.  pp.  279-306. 

2  It  contains  important  scenes  in  which  the  Syrians  and  others 
are  depicted  bringing  tribute  to  the  king. 


48  AMEN-EM-HEB  SAVES  HIS  MASTER'S  LIFE  [B.C.  1533 


Kadesh,  and  his  bravery  was  so  great  that  he  was 
specially  rewarded  by  the   king.     In   the   land  of 

Thakhsi,  "J  ^  [1       ,  he  took  more  prisoners  and  was 

again  rewarded,  and  whilst  he  was  in  the  neighbour- 

hood  of  Ni,    v     (1(1  jXj,  he  helped  the  king  to  hunt 


\\ 

120   elephants,  ^  .*f  J^^-    The  largest 

of  the  elephants  hunted  turned  upon  the  king,  but 
Amen -era -heb  probably  saved  his  master's  life  by 
cutting  off  the  trunk  of  the  beast 1  whilst  he  was  still 
alive ;  for  this  act  of  bravery  he  was  again  rewarded. 
The  episode  of  the  mare  at  Kadesh  has  already 
been  referred  to,  and  we  pass  on  to  his  next  deed  of 
valour,  when  he  succeeded  in  making  a  breach 
in  the  new  walls  which  the  king  of  Kadesh  had 
raised  up  round  his  city,  and  in  leading  the  Egyptians 
through  it  into  the  headquarters  of  the  enemy; 
after  this  exploit  he  returned  to  Egypt.  Thus,  he 
says,  the  king  passed  many  happy  years  in  fighting, 

I  °  I         1  lb\      ^   r  ^  . ,  and  so  lived  from 

I      III     ^111      0c=^\     -M*      WWXA  Wl' 

the  1st  to  the  54th  year  of  his  reign ;  on  the  last  day 
of  Phamenoth  he  departed  to  heaven,  and  was  united 
to  the  sun's  disk  Aten,  and  became  a  follower  of  the 
god.  Amen-em-heb  lived  for  some  years  during  the 
reign  of  Amen-hetep  II.,  the  son  and  successor  of 


O 


J\  * —  -   Literally,  "I  cut  off  his  hand, 

"a  ^  1 


ItgiiVgTI^IM  l^ltA^ZlT"  gigs  isyrtau 


Stele  inscribed  withja  summary  of  the  conquests  of  Thothmes  III. 
Egyptian  Museum  at  Cairo. 

VOL.  I IV.  E 


50  CONQUESTS  OF  THOTHMES  III. — SUMMARY  [B.C.  1533 

Thothnies  III.,  but  was  probably  too  old  to  join  him 
in  the  expeditions  which  he  made. 

The  summary  of  the  conquests  of  Thothmes  III., 
which  are  attributed  to  the  god  Amen,  is  inscribed 
upon  a  large  stone  stele,  and  is  of  great  interest;  this 
stele  was  originally  set  up  in  the  great  temple  of  the 
Northern  Apt  at  Karnak,  and  it  is  possible  that  the 
text  upon  it  formed  a  song  of  victory,  or  hymn,  which 
was  sung  by  the  priests  of  Amen  on  state  occasions. 
On  the  upper,  rounded  portion  of  the  stele  we  have  two 
scenes ;  in  the  first  Thothmes  III.  is  "  making  a  drink 
offering  to  Amen-Ra,"  in  the  second  he  is  "making  an 
offering  of  incense  to  Anien-Ra."  Behind  the  king  in 
the  first  scene  stands  the  goddess  of  Thebes,  holding 
bows  in  one  hand  and  the  symbol  of  life  in  the  other, 
and  in  the  second  scene  stands  the  same  goddess,  but 
with  bows  and  arrows  in  one  hand  and  a  club  in  the 
other.  Above  both  scenes  is  the  winged  disk  of 
"  Behutet,  the  great  god,  lord  of  heaven,"  with  pendent 
uraei,  wearing  the  crowns  of  the  South  and  North 
respectively.  The  vertical  line  of  text  between  the 
scenes  declares  that  Amen-Ra,  the  king  of  the  gods, 
will  "give  all  life,  and  all  protection,  and  life,  and 
"  stability,  and  power,  and  all  health,  and  all  joy  of 
"heart,  like  Ra  for  ever,"  to  Thothmes  III.  The 
inscription  reads : — Saith  Amen-Ra,  the  lord  of  the 
thrones  of  the  two  lands :  (1)  "  Come  then  unto  me, 
"  0  my  brave  son  Men-kheper-Ra,  the  everliving,  and 
"  make  thyself  to  rejoice  at  the  sight  of  my  beautiful 


B.C.  1533] 


SPEECH  OF  AMEN-RA 


51 


"form.  I  shine  because  of  thy  love  [for  me],  and  my 
"  heart  expandeth  with  joy  (2)  at  thy  fortunate  visits 
"  to  my  temple.  I  have  laid  both  my  hands  upon  the 
"  limbs  of  thy  body  in  giving  thee  the  protection  of 
"life,  and  doubly  sweet  is  thy  mighty  presence  unto 
"  my  divine,  visible  body.  I  have  established  thee  (3) 
"in  my  dwelling-place,  and  I  have  made  thee  to  be 
"  a  divine  wonder  [unto  me].  I  have  given  unto  thee 
"  might  and  victory  over  all  foreign  lands,  and  I  have 
"made  thy  will  (or,  souls)  and  the  fear  of  thee  to  be 
"in  all  the  lands  of  the  world,  and  mighty  terror  of 
"thee  reacheth  even  unto  the  (4)  four  pillars  of  the 
"  sky.1  I  have  magnified  thy  irresistible  might  in  [the 
"  sight  of]  all  bodies,  and  I  have  made  the  sound  of 
"the  roarings  of  thy  Majesty  to  go  round  about  among 
"  the  Nine  Bow  barbarians.  The  chiefs  of  all  the 
"  foreign  lands  are  gathered  together  within  thy  grasp. 
"  (5)  I  have  stretched  out  my  two  hands  and  have  tied 
"together  for  thee  as  with  a  rope  the  Anti  tribes  of 
"Nubia  by  tens  of  thousands  and  thousands,  and  I 
"  have  made  thousands,  and  I  have  made  prisoners  for 
"thee  of  the  peoples  of  the  North  by  hundreds  of 
"thousands.  (6)  I  have  made  to  fall  down  thine 
"  opponents  under  thy  sandals,  and  thou  hast  destroyed, 
"even  according  to  the  decree  which  I  had  made,  the 

1  The  allusion  here  is  to  the  belief  that  the  sky,  which  was  made 
of  a  perfectly  flat  iron  plate,  rectangular  in  shape,  was  supported 
at  each  corner  by  a  pillar;  each  pillar  was  guarded  by  a  god,  and 
the  four  pillars  represented  the  four  cardinal  points. 


52  CONQUESTS  OF  THOTHMES  III. — SUMMARY  [B.C.  1533 

"hosts  of  the  rebellious  ones  throughout  the  length  and 
"breadth  of  the  land,  and  the  peoples  of  the  West  and 
"  the  nations  of  the  East  are  [set]  beneath  thy  throne 
"for  thee.  (7)  Thou  hast  marched  with  a  joyful 
"heart  over  all  foreign  lands  which  had  never  been 
"  entered  until  the  time  of  thy  Majesty,  and  I  myself 
"  was  thy  guide  when  thou  didst  go  forth  to  attack 
"  them.  Thou  hast  sailed  over  the  waters  of  the  Great 
"  Circle  1  of  (8)  Nehern  (i.e.,  Western  Mesopotamia) 
"  mightily  and  victoriously.  I  decreed  for  thee  that 
"the  peoples  thereof  should  hear  the  noise  of  thy 
"  roarings  as  thou  didst  enter  into  their  caves,  and 
"I  removed  from  their  nostrils  the  breath  of  life. 
u  (9)  I  made  the  terror  of  thy  Majesty  to  enter  into 
"their  hearts.  My  uraeus  crown  is  set  upon  thy 
"  brow,  it  hath  burned  them  with  the  fire,  and  hath 
"  made  thee  to  lead  away  into  captivity  the  rebellious 
"peoples  of  Qet,  i.e.,  the  coast  of  Palestine.  (10)  It 
"  hath  consumed  with  fire  all  those  who  were  dwelling 
"in  their  swampy  places,  and  it  cut  off  the  chiefs  of 
"  the  Aamu,2  and  they  were  not  able  to  escape,  and  it 
"  hath  overthrown  him  that  came  within  the  reach  of 
"its  power.  (11)  I  have  made  thy  valiant  deeds  to  go 
"  round  about  through  all  the  lands,  and  I  have  cast 
"  the  light  of  my  crown  upon  thy  body.  Within  the 
"  whole  circuit  of  the  skies  no  enemy  of  thine  existeth, 

1  The  allusion  here  is  to  the  rivers  which  enclose  the  Island  of 
Mesopotamia. 

2  I.e.,  the  nomad  Semitic  tribes  of  the  Eastern  Desert. 


B.C.  1533] 


SPEECH  OF  AMEN-RA 


53 


"  and  they  come  bearing  [their]  offerings  upon  their 
"backs  with  (12)  homage  to  thy  Majesty,  even  in 
"  accordance  with  the  decree  which  I  made.  I  made  the 
"rebels  to  put  on  chains  when  they  came  to  thee,  and 
"  their  hearts  burned  and  their  limbs  quaked.  (13)  I 
"  came,  and  I  made  thee  to  subdue  the  mighty  chiefs  of 
"  Tchah  (Phoenicia),  and  I  drove  them  under  thy  feet 
"  throughout  their  lands.  I  made  thy  Majesty  to  look 
"upon  them  with  rays  of  light,  and  thou  didst  shine 
"  upon  their  faces  as  my  divine  Image.  (14)  I  came, 
"  and  I  made  thee  to  smite  those  who  were  in  Satet 
"  (Asia),  and  I  made  thee  to  lead  into  captivity  the 
"  chiefs  of  the  Aamu 1  of  Kethennu.  I  made  them  to 
"  behold  thy  Majesty  when  thou  wast  equipped  in  thy 
"panoply  of  war  and  wast  grasping  thy  weapons  and 
"  doing  battle  from  [thy]  chariot.  (15)  I  came,  and  I 
"made  thee  to  smite  the  land  of  the  East,  and  thou 
"  didst  trample  under  foot  those  who  were  in  the 
"  regions  of  Ta-neter.2  I  made  them  to  look  upon  thy 
"  Majesty  as  one  who  revolveth  like  a  star  which 
"  shooteth  out  fire  as  it  circleth  and  sendeth  forth  its 
"  dew.  (16)  I  came,  and  I  made  thee  to  smite  the 
"  land  of  the  West,  and  the  foreign  land  of  Kefti, 

and  Asi,  [j  ~ 7T~(j(j  r^^i  (Cyprus?),  are 


1  I.e.,  the  nomad  Semitic  tribes  of  Northern  Syria. 

2  I.e.,  the  eastern  and  western  shores  of  the  southern  half  of  the 
Red  Sea,  and  perhaps  part  of  Somaliland. 

3  I.e.,  the  countries  of  Asia  Minor  on  the  shore  of  the 
Mediterranean,  including  Crete. 


54  CONQUESTS  OF  THOTHMES  III. — SUMMARY  [B.C.  1533 


"  under  thy  awesome  power.  I  made  them  to  look 
"  upon  thy  Majesty  as  a  young  and  very  vigorous  bull 
"which  is  equipped  with  horns  and  cannot  be  ap- 
proached. (17)  I  came,  and  I  made  thee  to  smite 
"  those  who  were  dwelling  in  the  swampy  places  of  the 
"land  of  Mathen  (Mitanni),  and  they  quaked  through 
"  fear  of  thee.  I  made  them  to  look  upon  thy  Majesty 
"as  a  most  terrible  crocodile  of  the  waters  which  could 
"not  be  approached.  (18)  I  came,  and  I  made  thee  to 
"  smite  those  who  dwell  in  the  isles  in  the  midst  of  the 
"Great  Green  (i.e.,  the  Mediterranean),  by  means  of 
"  thy  roarings,  1  made  them  to  look  upon  thy  Majesty 
"  as  the  slaughterer  who  putteth  himself  upon  the  back 
"  of  the  animal  which  he  is  about  to  offer  up  as  a 
"  sacrifice.  (19)  I  came,  and  I  made  thee  to  smite  the 
"  Thehennu    (Libyans),  and  the   lands   of  Uthenti, 

"  V  >^        ,l  are  in  the  power  of  thy  will  (or 

"souls).  I  made  them  to  look  upon  thy  Majesty  as  a 
"raging  lion,  and  thou  didst  make  them  to  flee  into 
"their  holes  in  the  valley.  (20)  I  came,  and  I  made 
"  thee  to  smite  the  peoples  who  dwelt  in  the  lands  at 
"the  back  of  the  countries  of  the  Circles,2  the  Great 

1  I.e.,  the  coast  of  Libya. 

2  The  Egyptians  regarded  Mesopotamia  as  an  island  which  was 
surrounded   by  a  river,  and   they   considered  the   Tigris  and 


Euphrates  to  spring  from  one  source;  "Circle," 


AAAAAA 
AAAAAA 


was  the  name  given  to  this  double  river,  and  the  description 
"Great  Circle"  is  only  added  for  emphasis.  See  Muller,  Asien 
und  Europa,  p.  252. 


B.C.  1533] 


SPEECH  OF  AMEN-RA 


55 


"  Circle,  and  they  are  gathered  up  within  thy  grasp.  T 
"  made  them  to  look  upon 
"thy  Majesty  as  the 
"hawk  of  Horns,  the 
"lord  of  pinions,  which 
"by  means  of  the  fierce 
"glance  of  his  eye 
"carrieth  off  whatsoever 
"he  pleaseth.  (21)  I 
"came,  and  I  made  thee 
"  to  smite  the  people  who 
"dwelt  in  the  foreparts 
"of  the  lands,  and  thou 
"didst  take  as  living 
"prisoners  the  Dwellers 
"  on  the  Sand  (i.e.,  the 
"nomad  desert  tribes). 
"I  made  them  to  look 
"upon  thy  Majesty  as  a 
"jackal  of  the  south 
"  which  travelleth  swiftly 
"  and  disappeareth  ra- 
"pidly  through  the  two 
"lands.  (22)  I  came, 
"  and  I  made  thee  to 
"smite  the  Anti  tribes 
"of  Nubia,  [and  their 
"  lands]  as  far  as  Kept, 
"  JL^[J^»  are  ^n  ^ny  grasp.    I  made  them  to  look 


A  Lihvan. 


56  CONQUESTS  OF  THOTHMES  III. — SUMMARY  [B.C.  1533 

"upon  thy  Majesty  as  thy  two  divine  brethren.  I 
"have  gathered  together  their  hands  to  thee  .  .  .  . 
"  (23)  thy  two  sisters,  and  I  have  placed  them  at 
"  thy  side  to  protect  thee.  The  hands  of  my  Majesty 
"  are  in  heaven  above  to  drive  away  evil  [from  thee]. 
"I  have  made  thee  to  be  glorious,  0  my  son,  my  be- 
"  loved  one,  thou  mighty  Bull  who  risest  like  the  sun 
"  in  Thebes,  I  have  begotten  thee  with  ....  (24)  0 
"  Thothmes,  the  everli  ving  one,  who  hast  performed  every 
"  wish  of  mine.  Thou  hast  created  for  me  a  dwelling 
"  place  in  work  which  shall  endure  for  ever,  and  thou 
"  hast  made  it  longer  and  wider  than  it  ever  was  before, 
"  and  [thou  didst]  make  a  great  pylon.  (25)  Thou  hast 
"  celebrated  the  festival  of  the  beauties  of  Amen-Ra,  and 
"  thy  monuments  are  greater  than  those  of  any  other 
"  king  who  hath  ever  existed.  I  commanded  thee  to 
"make  them,  and  thou  hast  been  content  to  do  so; 
"  therefore  I  have  stablished  thee  upon  the  throne  of 
"  Horus  for  millions  of  years,  and  thou  shalt  guide  the 
"  living 

The  above  inscription  indicates  that  Thothmes  III. 
devoted  a  large  portion  of  the  spoil  which  he  obtained 
from  his  vassal  kings  to  enlarging  the  temples  of 
the  gods  and  to  the  support  of  the  priesthood  of  Amen, 
and  as  we  see  this  fact  reflected  also  in  the  official 
inscriptions  of  his  reign,  so  we  find  in  the  ruins 
of  the  ancient  cities  which  have  been  excavated  in 
recent  years  the  remains  of  the  temples  which  he 
founded  or  re-founded,  and  of  the  shrines  which  he 


B.C.  1533]  BUILDING  OPERATIONS  OF  THOTHMES  III.  57 

cleansed,  and  of  the  buildings  which  he  repaired,  and  of 
the  architectural  works  which  he  completed.  His 
liberality  seems  to  have  been  unbounded  in  this  respect, 
but  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  vast  amount  of 
tribute  which  he  had  been  able  to  collect  in  the  course 
of  his  fourteen  or  fifteen  expeditions  enabled  him  to 
undertake  the  building  of  temples  and  other  sacred 
edifices  on  a  scale  which  had  before  been  impossible  for 
want  of  funds.  And  besides,  he  made  the  prisoners 
whom  he  had  brought  to  Egypt  labour  in  the  building 
of  the  temples,  and  there  is  every  reason  for  thinking 
that  they  were  employed  upon  public  works  in  general. 
At  Heliopolis  he  built  a  door,1  and  enclosed  the  temple 
with  a  wall ;  at  Memphis  he  repaired  the  temple  of 
Ptah  :  he  completed  the  Speos  Artemidos  which  Hat- 
shepset  had  begun ;  he  built  a  temple  at  Abydos, 
all  traces  of  which  have,  however,  disappeared,  and 
dedicated  a  colossal  statue  of  the  god  Osiris  to 
it ;  he  restored  and  completed  the  temple  of  Den- 
dera,  which  is  said  to  have  been  founded  by  Khufu 
(Cheops),  and  repaired  by  Pepi  Mer-en-Ea  ;  he  rebuilt 
the  temple  at  Coptos ;  he  added  a  granite  portal 
and  a  door  to  the  temple  at  Der  al-Bahari,  which  Hat- 
shepset  never  finished ;  he  built  and  dedicated  a  small 
sandstone  temple  to  Amen  at  Medinet  Habu  ;  and  he 
must  have  carried  on  building  operations  on  a  very 
.large  scale  at  several  places  and  shrines  on  the  west 

1  The  chief  works  of  Thothmes  III.  are  summarized  by 
Wiedemann,  Aeg.  Geschichte,  p.  359  ff. 


58  BUILDING  OPERATIONS  OF  THOTHMES  III.  [B.C.  1533 

bank  of  the  Nile  opposite  Thebes.  But  the  greatest 
and  best  of  his  architectural  works  were  reserved  for 
the  temple  of  Amen-Ra,  the  lord  of  the  thrones 
of  the  world,  in  the  Southern  Apt  at  Thebes.  Here 
he  built  a  large  colonnade  which  measured  about 
150  feet  by  50  feet,  with  a  roof  that  rested  on  40  granite 
columns  and  32  rectangular  pillars.  The  columns  are 
of  great  interest,  for  they  taper  downwards,  and  their 
capitals,  which  are  made  in  the  forms  of  the  cups  of 
flowers,  are  inverted  ;  the  pillars  and  the  walls  supported 
a  roof,  upon  which  rose  small  pillars,  with  an  architrave 
to  the  height  of  the  central  columns,  and  these  in  their 
turn  supported  one  side  of  the  roof  over  the  central 
portion  of  the  hall.  Close  to  this  colonnade  was  a  series 
of  rooms  which  were  ornamented  with  reliefs  whereon 
were  represented  in  great  detail  the  animals  and  plants 
which  Thothmes  III.  brought  back  from  the  land  of 
Rethennu  on  his  return  from  his  third  expedition  to 
that  country,  which  took  place  in  the  twenty-fifth  year 
of  his  reign.  Thothmes  III.  also  built  a  pylon  to  the 
temple,  and  on  the  walls  on  each  side  of  the  granite 
doorway  he  inscribed  the  names  of  all  the  peoples,  and 
tribes,  and  cities,  and  lands  which  he  had  brought  into 
subjection.  The  famous  Annals  of  Thothmes  III.  are 
inscribed  on  the  walls  of  a  passage  near  the  shrine  of 
the  temple  of  Karnak,  but  the  texts  are  much  mutilated ; 
the  two  granite  pillars,  one  bearing  the  lotus  of  the 
South  and  the  other  the  papyrus  of  the  North,  which 
were  set  up  by  Thothmes  III.,  still  stand  in  the  court  by 


B.C.  1533]     AT  SOLEB,  GEBEL  BARKAL,  ETC.  5g 


which  entrance  is  gained  to  the  shrine.  Besides  all 
this,  the  king  built  a  small  temple  which  was  entered 
through  a  gateway  built  in  the  wall  that  joined  the 
pylons  erected  by  his  aunt  and  himself  respectively,  and 
behind  it  he  dug  the  sacred  lake,  whereon  at  stated 
intervals  processions  of  sacred  boats  used  to  take  place. 
At  Hermonthis,  Esna,  El-kab,  Edfu,  Silsila,  Kom  Ombo, 
he  carried  on  building  operations,  and  on  the  Island  of 
Elephantine  he  built  a  temple  in  honour  of  the  god 
Khnemu ;  this  temple  was  standing  in  1822,  but  it  was 
soon  after  pulled  down  by  the  orders  of  Muhammad  Ali, 
who  wished  to  build  a  palace  with  the  blocks  of  stone 
from  it  at  Aswan  !  At  several  places  in  Nubia  he 
restored  or  founded  small  temples,  and  he  was  the  founder 
of  the  large  temple  at  Soleb,  which  marks  the  site  of  the 
ancient  Egyptian  settlement  in  the  Third  Cataract 
called  Menen-en-kha-em-Maat,  i^ES  0  Q  t\  R ;  this 
temple  was  greatly  enlarged  and  beautified  by  Amen- 
hetep  III.  There  are  several  places  between  Soleb  and 
the  foot  of  the  Fourth  Cataract  (Gebel  Barkal)  where 
remains  of  XVIIIth  Dynasty  buildings  are  to  be  found, 
and  it  is  very  probable  that  many  inscriptions  of  the 
reign  of  Thothmes  III.  would  be  found  if  the  sites  of 
old  settlements  were  excavated.  So  able  a  king  must 
have  had  his  outposts  held  by  Egyptians  much  further 
south  than  Soleb,  otherwise  he  could  never  have  main- 
tained his  hold  upon  the  country;  in  any  case  his 
kingdom  extended  from  the  Euphrates  at  Ni  on  the  north 
to  Soleb  on  the  south,  and  his  buildings  and  inscriptions 


6o 


Cleopatra's  needle 


[B.C.  1533 


in  the  Sinaitic  peninsula  prove  that  he  was  master  of 
the  Eastern  Desert  also. 

The  largest  of  the  obelisks  which  Thothmes  III. 
set  up  is  commonly  called  the  "  Obelisk  of  St.  John 
Lateran,"  and  stands  on  the  hill  of  the  Lateran 
at  Kome  ;  it  is  105  feet  in  height  and  contains  in- 
scriptions of  Thothmes  III.,  Thothmes  IV.,1  and 
Barneses  II.,  who  repaired  it  and  re-erected  it.  Part 
of  a  second  obelisk  of  Thothmes  III.  is  in  Con- 
stantinople, a  third  is  in  New  York,  and  a  fourth, 
"  Cleopatra's  Needle,"  has  been  set  up  on  the  Thames 
Embankment  in  London.  The  last  two  are  supposed 
by  some  to  be  the  two  obelisks  which  "  king  Mesphres  " 
is  said  to  have  made,  and  which  are  reported  by  Pliny  2 
to  have  stood  at  the  door  of  Caesar's  temple  in  Alex- 
andria. In  an  inscription  found  in  the  temple  at  Der 
al-Bahari  it  is  said  that  the  height  of  the  obelisks 
which  were  set  up  in  front  of  that  temple  was  108 
cubits,  i.e.,  each  obelisk  was  more  than  180  feet  high. 
No  remains  of  these  obelisks  have  up  to  the  present 
been  found  in  Egypt,  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts  which 
have  been  made  to  trace  them.  Kecently  a  theory  has 
has  been  put  forward  3  that  the  "  obelisk  "  which  now 
stands  in  the  Hippodrome  at  Constantinople  is  only  the 
upper  part  of  an  obelisk,  and  that  it  is  in  fact  a  portion 

1  The  text  on  it  says  that  there  was  an  interval  of  thirty-five 
years  between  the  reigns  of  Thothmes  III.  and  Thothmes  IV. 

2  Hist.  No*.,  Bk.  xxxvi.  15,  69. 

3  Petrie,  History,  vol.  ii.  p.  131  ff. 


B.C.  1533]        OBELISKS  OF  THOTHMES  III.  6l 

of  one  of  the  two  obelisks  which  stood  before  Hatshep- 
set's  temple  at  Der  al-Bahari.  The  inscriptions  upon 
it  refer,  however,  to  Thothmes  III.,  but  this  is  held  to 
be  no  difficulty  in  the  way  of  the  identification,  for  the 
obelisks  might  well  have  been  set  up  after  the  great 
queen's  death  by  her  nephew.  It  seems  clear  that  the 
"obelisk "at  Constantinople  is  only  a  portion  of  an 
obelisk,  and  as  it  is  only  about  fifty  feet  high  it  appears 
to  be  too  slender  for  its  height,  if  we  may  judge  from 
the  proportions  of  the  other  obelisks  of  the  reign  of 
Thothmes  III.  which  are  known  to  us,  always  supposing 
that  he  set  up  those  at  the  entrance  to  his  aunt's 
temple.  The  height  of  the  "obelisk"  at  Constantinople 
when  it  was  first  brought  there  is  not  known,  but  it  was 
probably  much  higher  than  it  is  now,  for  it  was  thrown 
down  by  an  earthquake  and  it  lay  upon  the  ground  for 
a  considerable  time;  and  it  is  more  than  probable  that 
some  of  the  lower  portion  of  it  was  broken  off,  and  that 
not  knowing  how  to  join  the  pieces  together  the  prefect 
Proclus,  who  re-erected  it  by  the  command  of  the 
Emperor  Theodosius,1  set  up  the  largest  portion. 
Curiously  enough,  in  addition  to  the  marble  reliefs  with 
which  the  base  was  ornamented  by  the  Praetorian 
prefect,  the  top  was  surmounted  by  a  large  brass  pine- 


The  Latin  inscription  on  the  base  of  the  obelisk  reads  : — 
Difficilis  quondam  Dominis  parere  serenis 
Jussus  et  extinctis  palmam  portare  tyrannis  ; 
Omnia  Theodosio  cedunt  subolique  perenni. 
Ter  denis  sic  victus  ego  domitusque  diebus, 
Judice  sub  Proclo  superas  elatus  ad  auras. 


62 


THE  ARCHITECT  PUAM  [B.C.  1533 


apple  or  fir-cone  ;  this,  however,  was  thrown  down  by 
an  earthquake,  which  fortunately  left  the  portion  of  the 
obelisk  standing  where  it  now  is. 

For  the  carrying  out  of 
the  great  building  opera- 
tions planned  by  Thothmes 
III.,  the  services  of  a  very 
large  number  of  workmen 
and  officials  of  different 
ranks  and  grades  must  have 
been  required,  and  the 
leaders  of  these  must  have 
been  men  of  great  ability, 
who  possessed  a  good 
theoretical  and  practical 
knowledge  of  architecture. 
Among  such  was  the  official 


Puam,  □ 


and  in 


his  tomb  at  Kurna  is  a 
scene  in  which  this  official 
is  represented  seated  on  a 
chair,  whilst  six  men  stand 
before  him  with  their  left 
hands  touching  their  right 
shoulders,  and  their  right 
hands  clasping  their  left 
forearms ;  they  are  all  overseers,  or  superintendents, 
three   of  the  works  of  the  temple  of  Amen,  and 


Statue  of  Netcliem,  an  official  of 
Thothmes  III. 
British  Museum,  No.  840. 


B.C.  1533]     THE  PRIME  MINISTER  REKH-MA-RA  63 

three  of  the  handicraftsmen.1  As  a  part  of  the 
same  scene  in  the  tomb  we  see  drawings  of  two 
obelisks,  on  which,  when  perfect,  were  inscribed  the 
names  and  titles  of  Thothmes  III.,  and  we  are  quite 
justified  in  assuming  that  they  were  head  men  who 
planned  and  carried  out  the  setting  up  of  the  great 
obelisks  of  Thothmes  III.  Another  great  official 
andj  trusted  servant  of  the  king  was  Rekh-ma-Ea, 

<=Z>  )  0  °,  i.e.,  "he  who  is  as  wise  as  Ea,"  whose 

ancestors  had  held  high  office  under  Thothmes  I., 
Thothmes  II.,  and  queen  Hatshepset ;  he  himself  was 
the  prime  minister  of  Thothmes  III.  from  the  32nd 
year  of  this  king's  reign 2  until  the  early  years  of  the 
reign  of  Amen-hetep  II.  The  tomb  of  Eekh-ma-Ea  is 
at  Kurna,  and  it  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  of  the 
tombs  of  the  period.  The  scenes  on  its  walls  represent 
the  envoys  of  the  peoples  of  Pant,  Kefti,  Nubia,  Syria, 
and  the  Islands  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea  (?)  bringing 
tribute  to  his  master;  and  the  performance  of  the  duties 
which  devolved  upon  him  in  connexion  with  his  duties 
as  governor  of  the  city,  and  judge,  and  steward  of  the 
temple  of  Amen,  and  confidential  adviser  to  the  king ; 
and  the  superintending  of  the  work  of  the  various 
artificers  and  handicraftsmen  employed  in  his  master's 
service  and  in  his  own  ;  and  there  are  some  interesting- 
pictures  in  it  which  show  how  this  great  man  found 


1  See  Lepsius,  DenJcmtiler,  iii.  pi.  39. 

2  See  Newberry,  Life  of  BeTchmara,  London,  1900,  p.  14. 


64 


AMEN-EM-HEB  THE  GENERAL       [B.C.  1533 


relaxation  and  solace  in  listening  to  singing  and  musical 
instruments.  To  the  famous  general  Amen-em-heb  we 
have  often  referred  already,  and  it  is  certain  that  as  a 


Limestone  statue  of  the  royalJmotheriTeta-khart 
British  Museum,  No.  22,558 


soldier  and  in  all  military  matters  he  was  as  expert  as 
Puam  was  as  an  architect,  or  Rekh-ma-Ka  as  a  judge  and 
administrator.    The  scenes  in  his  tomb  at  Kurna  are 


B.C.  1533]        THE  ROMANCE  OF  TEHUTI-A 


65 


representations  of  the  Syrian  tribes  bringing  tribute  to 
him  for  his  master ;  the  details  of  their  postures,  and 
dress,  and  articles  of  tribute  are  very  interesting, 
because  the  man  for  whom  the  scenes  were  painted  was 
a  witness  of  the  events  which  they  commemorated,  and 
we  may  be  sure  that  he  followed  the  artist's  work  with 
a  critical  eye. 

Among  other  important  officials  must  be  mentioned 

Tehuti-a,         (j         whom   legend    associated  with 

the  taking  of  the  city  of  Joppa.  This  man  was  a 
ha  prince,  and  a  "  divine  father,  loving  God,  and  one 
"  who  filled  the  heart  of  the  king  in  all  the  countries 
"and  the  islands  which  were  in  the  Great  Green 

"  Sea,"  <=L^  by  which  we  are  probably  to  under- 
stand the  Mediterranean  Sea,  he  "  filled  the  treasury 
"  with  gold,  and  lapis-lazuli,  and  silver,"  and  he  was 
"  general  of  the  bowmen,"  a  royal  scribe,  an  "  overseer 
of  countries,"  etc.  For  some  reason  or  other  the 
character  of  Tehuti-a  appealed  to  the  imagination  of 
some  Egyptian  writer,  who  straightway  composed  an 
account  of  the  taking  of  the  city  of  Joppa  by  him.  At 
one  time  this  account  was  regarded  as  a  strictly 
historical  document,  and  a  scholar  and  Egyptologist 
of  such  eminence  as  Goodwin  accepted  it  in  this  light 
unhesitatingly.1  The  text  of  the  document  is  written 
in  the  hieratic  character,  and  forms  one  of  the  com- 
positions which  are  found  in  the  Harris  Papyrus,  No. 

1  See  Trans.  Soc.  Bibl.  Arch.,  vol.  iii.  p.  340  ff. 
VOL.  IV.  F 


66 


THE  ROMANCE  OF  TEHUTI-A        [B.C.  1533 


500,  now  preserved  in  the  British  Museum;    it  is 
written  in  three  columns  on  the  back  of  the  papyrus  in 
a  neat,  careful  hand  of  the  XlXth  Dynasty.    As  far  as 
can  be  made  out  from  the  text,  the  writer  wished  to 
say  that  Tehuti-a  was  a  very  able  soldier  who  was 
thoroughly  well  skilled  in  the  art  of  war,  that  he  had 
received  many  rewards  for  his  bravery,  and  that  he  had 
accompanied  his  master  Thothmes  III.  on  his  campaigns 
in  several  countries.    One  day  a  messenger  came  from 
Tchahi  (Phoenicia),  and  reported  that  the  miserable 
chief  of  Joppa  had  revolted,  and  that  he  had  slain  the 
soldiers  and  charioteers  of  the  king,  and  that  no  man 
could  resist  him ;  as  soon  as  Thothmes  III.  heard  these 
words  he  swore  by  his  god  Amen  that  he  would  destroy 
the  city  of  Joppa,  and  went  about   raging  like  a 
panther.     Then  he  called  together   his   chiefs  and 
officers  and  told  them  what  had  happened,  but  they 
knew   not   how  to   answer  him.     At  this  moment 
Tehuti-a  said  to  the  king,  "  Give  me  the  great  staff, 
"         O  Q  dunnu,  of  Thothmes  III.,  and  let  valiant 
"  soldiers  and  charioteers  be  sent  with  me,  and  I  will 
"  kill  the  wretched  prince  of  Joppa  and  take  his  town  ;" 
the  king  was  pleased  with  the  proposal,  and  gave 
Tehuti-a  all  that  he  desired.    Soon  after  this,  when 
Tehuti-a  was  in  the  country  of  Phoenicia  with  his  men, 
he  made  a  leather  sack  large  enough  to  hold  a  man, 
and  forged  some  iron  fetters  for  the  hands  and  feet,  and 
shackles  and  wooden  yokes,  and  made  four  hundred  large 
jars,  etc. 


B.C.  1S33]       AND  THE  CAPTURE  OF  JOPPA 


67 


When  these  were  ready  he  sent  a  messenger  to 
the  prince  of  Joppa  to  say  that  he  was  sent  to  him 
by  Tehuti-a,  who  was  the  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  of  Thothmes  III.,  but  who  was  greatly  envied 
by  the  king  on  account  of  his  bravery,  and  that  the 
king  wanted  to  slay  him  :  for  this  reason  Tehuti-a  had 
escaped  from  the  court ;  and  that  he  had  brought 
with  him,  hidden  in  his  horses'  fodder,  the  staff  of 
Thothmes  III.,  and  that  if  the  prince  of  Joppa  wished 
Tehuti-a  would  give  it  to  him,  and  would  come  to  him 
with  his  brave  soldiers  and  hold  himself  and  them  at 
his  disposal.  The  prince  of  Joppa  replied  graciously 
aud  invited  Tehuti-a,  whom  he  knew  well  by  reputa- 
tion, to  come  to  Joppa,  and  promised  to  be  a  brother  to 
him.  When  Tehuti-a  arrived,  the  prince  of  Joppa 
with  his  wives  and  children  went  out  to  meet  him, 
and  when  they  met  he  embraced  him,  and  begged  the 
Egyptian  general  to  come  into  his  camp,  taking  care, 
however,  not  to  allow  his  troops  and  their  horses  to 
come  in  with  him.  When  Tehuti-a  had  eaten  and 
drunk,  the  prince  of  Joppa  asked  where  the  staff  was, 
and  in  reply  Tehuti-a  seems  to  have  asked  that  his 
soldiers  might  be  allowed  to  come  and  feed  their  horses, 
and  that  a  man  of  the  Apure,  Q  ^  <=^>  might  be 
told  off  to  go  and  order  them  to  do  so ;  the  prince  of 
Joppa  assented,  and  when  the  fodder  was  brought  in 
to  the  horses,  the  staff  was  found  inside  it.  Soon 
after  this,  the  prince  of  Joppa  asked  to  be  allowed  to 
see  the  staff,  I  and  when  Tehuti-a  had  brought  it,  he 


68 


THE  ROMANCE  OF  TEHUTI-A        [B.C.  1533 


held  it  before  him,  and  said,  "  Look,  0  thou  wretched 
"  one,  this  is  the  staff  of  Thothmes  III.,  the  mighty 
"  lion,  the  son  of  Sekhet,  unto  whom  his  father  Amen 
"  hath  given  strength."  Then  he  stood  up  and  smote 
the  prince  of  Joppa  with  the  staff  on  his  head,  and 
he  fell  down  senseless ;  Tehuti-a  brought  forth  his  iron 
fetters  for  the  hands  and  feet,  and  having  fastened 
them  on  the  prince  of  Joppa  he  placed  him  in  the 
leather  sack.  This  done,  he  called  in  two  hundred  of 
his  soldiers  and  made  them  get  into  some  of  the  large 
jars  which  he  had  made,  and  having  sealed  up  the 
tops  and  fastened  round  them  the  cords  by  which  they 
were  to  be  carried,  he  loaded  them  upon  the  backs  of 
strong  men,  whom  he  told  to  march  into  the  city,  and 
to  break  open  the  jars  when  they  arrived  there,  and  to 
let  the  soldiers  out,  and  to  seize  and  bind  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  city  without  delay.  In  this  way  five 
hundred  men  would  get  into  the  city  of  Joppa.  Tehuti-a 
then  made  some  of  the  men  of  the  prince  of  Joppa 
go  to  the  master  of  the  horse  and  tell  him  to  proclaim 
to  the  queen  that  the  god  Sutekh  had  delivered  the 
Egyptians  into  the  hands  of  the  men  of  Joppa,  and  as  the 
result  the  master  of  the  horse  and  his  townsmen  opened 
the  gates  to  the  men  carrying  the  jars,  and  so  admitted 
the  enemy  into  the  city.  Once  there,  Tehuti-a/s 
soldiers  opened  the  jars  and  let  out  their  companions, 
who  straightway  seized  the  inhabitants  and  bound 
them  witli  ropes,  and  put  on  the  fetters  and  wooden 
yokes  which  they  had   brought  with  them.  Later, 


B.C.  1533]       AND  THE  CAPTURE  OF  JOPPA  69 

when  the  army  of  Thothmes  III.  came  and  wished  to 
take  possession  of  the  city  Tehuti-a  sent  a  message  to 
his  master,  saying,  "  Rejoice,  for  thy  father  Amen  hath 
"  given  thee  the  wretched  prince  of  Joppa,  with  all  his 
"subjects  and  his  city.  Send  thy  servants  to  come 
"and  take  him  prisoner.  Mayest  thou  fill  full  the 
"  house  of  thy  father  Amen-Ra,  the  king  of  the  gods, 
"with  slaves  who  shall  for  ever  and  for  ever  bow 
"  beneath  thy  feet." 1  Such  is  the  story  of  the  capture 
of  Joppa,  and  it  is  clear  that  it  is  nothing  more  than 
a  historical  romance.  It  may  be  mentioned  in  passing 
that  M.  Chabas  thought  that  the  Apure  who  are  men- 
tioned above  were  to  be  identified  with  the  Hebrews, 
but  though  this  alleged  similarity  of  name  was  as  good 
as  any  of  the  identifications  which  were  put  forward 
in  the  early  days  of  Egyptology,  it  was  not  accepted 
by  capable  scholars,  and  is  now  regarded  merely 
as  an  example  of  the  effort  which  was  made  at 
that  time  to  find  Biblical  names  in  the  hieroglyphic 
inscriptions. 


kheperu,  son  of  the  Sun,  Amen-hetep,  god,  prince  of 
Thebes. 

1  The  incidents  of  the  story  are  placed  in  a  connected  form  by 
M.  Maspero  in  his  Contes  Egyptiens,  p.  87. 


70 


THE  REIGN  OF  AMEN-HETEP  II.     [B.C.  1500 


5^ 


Ka-nkkht,  UE 

PEH-PEH,  the 

Horus  name  of 
Amen-hetep  II. 


Amen-hetep  II.,  or  Anienophis  II., 
was  the  son  of  Tliothmes  III.  by  Hat- 
shepset, wlio  is  styled  the  "  royal  wife ; 
"greatly  beloved  of  him  (i.e.,  Tliothmes 
"III.),  the  royal  mother,  Hatshepset 
"beloved   of  Ra"  (o       ^  ^J,  and 

who  was  the  daughter  of  the  great  queen, 
Hatshepset.  He  succeeded  to  the  throne 
of  Egypt  on  the  day  following  that  on 
which  his  father  died,  i.e.,  the  1st  of 
Pharmuthi,  but  we  know  that  he  had  been  associated 
with  his  father  in  the  rule  of  the  kingdom  some  years 
before.  In  addition  to  his  Horus  name,  "Mighty  Bull, 
mighty  of  two-fold  valour,"  he  styled  himself,  "  Lord  of 
"  the  shrines  of  Nekhebet  and  Uatchet,  whose  power  is 
"  wide-spread,  and  maketh  [him]  to  rise  in  Thebes,"1 
and  "  Horus  of  gold,  who  conquereth  by  his  might  in 
all  lands."2  Under  his  father's  experienced  and 
faithful  old  general,  Amen-em-heb,  he  had  already 
learned  the  art  of  war,  and  it  was,  apparently,  necessary 
for  him  to  begin  at  once  to  justify  his  position  as 
successor  of  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  able  of  the 
kings  who  ever  sat  upon  the  throne  of  Egypt,  by  setting 
out  on  an  expedition  to  Western  Asia.   This  expedition 


B.C.  1500]       EXPEDITION  AGAINST  TAKHISA 


71 


must  have  taken  place 
at  the  end  of  the 
first  or  in  the  second 
year  of  his  reign, 
for,  as  M.  Maspero 
points  out,1  in  the 
stele  at  'Amada,  which 
was  set  up  by  him  in 
his  third  year,  he  de- 
scribes how  he  sacri- 
ficed the  prisoners 
whom  he  had  taken  in 

a  country  which  lay  to 
the  north  of  Kadesh. 
An  account  of  the 
expedition  is  found 
in  a  very  mutilated 
state  on  a  stele  in 
the  ruins  of  the  great 
temple    at  Karnak.2 

1  Hist.  Anc,  torn.  ii. 
p.  291. 

2  See  Champollion,  No- 
tices, torn.  ii.  p.  185  ; 
Maspero,  Aeg.  Zeit.,  1879, 
p.  55  ff. ;  Wiedemann,  Aeg. 
Gesch.,  p.  373 ;  and  Erman, 
Aeg.  Zeit.,  1889;  p.  39  ff. 


Gray  diorite  ushabti  figure  of  king  Anien- 
hetep  II.,  inscribed  with  a  text  of  the  Vlth 
Chapter  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead. 
British  Museum,  No.  35,365. 


72 


FIGHT  WITH  NOMADIC  TRIBES      [B.C.  1500 


From  this  we  learn  that  Amen-hetep  II.  marched 
first   of    all   to   the   country   of  Shemshu-atu-ma, 

oo  |^  on  ^  (j  *  ^  where  he  fought  like 

a  "fierce  lion,"  and  defeated  the  enemy,  and  took  many 
prisoners ;  the  net  result  was  the  capture  of  18 
prisoners  alive  and  16  oxen.  On  the  26th  day  of  the 
first  month  of  the  season  Shemut,  his  majesty  passed 

over  the  arm  of  the  Orontes,  &  Z)  crS^  tj    (    g  t 

mashetet  Arenth,  and  having  led  his  army  across,  he 
began  to  march  through  the  land  with  the  valour  of 
the  god  Menthu  ;  as  he  was  journeying  along,  probably 
well  in  advance  of  the  main  body  of  his  troops,  he 
perceived 1  at  a  distance  a  number  of  nomads,  mounted 
on  horses,  who  were  coming  to  meet  him,  with  the  view 
of  preventing  any  further  advance  on  his  part.  His 
majesty  then  made  ready  his  weapons  of  war,  and 
charged  into  the  body  of  nomads,  and  laid  about  him 
with  such  vigour  that  the  court  scribe,  who  drew  up 
this  account  of  the  fight,  declared  he  was  as  terrible  as 
the  god  Set  when  in  a  fierce  rage.  As  soon  as  his 
majesty  cast  one  glance  of  his  eyes  upon  them  they 
fled,  and  he  seized  all  their  goods,  and  taking  the 
nomad  chief  with  him,  he  led  him  to  the  frontiers  of 
.  .  .  and  disarmed  him.    Among  the  spoil  which  the 

1  Erman's  suggestion  that  the  king  only  descried  this  body  of 
men  by  sweeping  the  horizon  with  his  eyes  shaded  by  his  hand  is 
probably  correct ;  in  any  case  it  is  what  every  traveller  in  the 
desert  does  to-day,  and  it  has  always  been  the  custom  of  the  natives 
to  keep  watch  and  look  out  in  this  way. 


B.C.  1500] 


REBELLION  OF  AKATHI 


73 


king  took  are  mentioned  12  bows,  a  quiver  full  of 
arrows,  and  its  leather  straps,  etc.  Amen-hetep  then 
returned  to  Thebes  in  peace,  and  celebrated  a  festival 
in  honour  of  the  god  Amen,  to  whom  he  made  a 
suitable  offering.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  body  of 
Asiatics  that  the  king  met  belonged  to  a  caravan,  which 
they  were  escorting  from  one  place  to  another,  and  that 
this  encounter,  which  was  thought  to  deserve  commemo- 
ration on  a  granite  stele  in  the  temple  of  Amen,  was 
nothing  more  than  one  of  a  series  of  attacks,  similar  to 
those  which  are  perpetrated  daily  in  the  East  by 
marauding  Arabs,  who  live  by  attacking  caravans. 

From  the  end  of  the  inscription  we  learn  that  on  the 
10th  day  of  the  third  month  of  the  season  Shemut,  the 
king  arrived  at  the  city  of  Ni,  which  was  very  near  or 
actually  on  the  Euphrates,  and  the  inhabitants,  both 
male  and  female,  took  up  their  places  on  the  walls  and 
sang  songs  of  praise  to  him.  Finally  a  place  called 
Akathi,  (j  ^  ,  which  until  the  coming  of  the  king- 
had  been  in  a  state  of  rebellion,  became  tranquil  as  he 
approached,  and,  no  doubt,  gave  the  customary  gifts  to 
him.  The  expedition  of  Amen-hetep  into  Syria  and 
the  neighbourhood  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  campaign, 
for  there  was  no  serious  fighting  to  be  done,  because 
the  inhabitants  of  the  cities  and  the  nomad  tribes  had 
not  had  time  to  prepare  for  revolt  on  a  large  scale,  and 
the  remembrance  of  the  tribute  which  they  had  been 
compelled  to  pay  by  Thothmes  III.,  and  of  the  swift 
punishments  which  came  upon  them  when  they  tried  to 


74 


THE  STELE  OF  'AMADA  [B.C.  1500 


evade  it,  was  too  fresh  in  their  memories  for  them  to 
wish  to  fight  just  then.  The  results  of  the  expedition 
were  rather  moral  than  material,  and  it  served  chiefly 
to  prove  to  the  Syrians  and  others  that  the  new  king 
of  Egypt  was  willing  and  able  to  come  to  the  country 
as  quickly  as  his  father  had  done  ;  on  the  other  hand, 
the  king  obtained  a  large  number  of  gifts  from  the 
governors  of  cities  and  the  heads  of  tribes.  Keference 
is  made  to  this  war  in  an  inscription  which  the  king 
ordered  to  be  cut  upon  a  stele  in  the  temple  of  'Amada 
in  Nubia,  and  from  this  we  obtain  some  interesting- 
details.  This  temple  was  founded  in  the  reign  of 
Usertsen  II.,  but  had  fallen  out  of  repair,  and  was  in 
a  state  of  ruin  until  Thothmes  III.  undertook  its 
restoration.  When  Amen-hetep  returned  from  Syria 
he  went  to  'Amada,  and  celebrated  the  festival  of  the 
laying  of  the  foundation  stone  on  the  15th  day  of  the 
third  month  of  the  season  Shemut,  in  the  third  year  of 
his  reign,  and  he  formally  offered  to  the  god  of  the 
temple  the  repairs  which  Thothmes  III.  had  made, 
and  the  additions  to  it  made  by  himself.  These 
additions  were  very  considerable,  as  we  may  see 
from  the  first  fifteen  lines  of  the  stele.  Following 
the  description  of  these  we  have  the  statement  that  he 
made  this  stele 1  "  after  his  majesty  came  from  Upper 


I  AAAAAA 

iii.  pi.  65. 


0  ^  ]j  :  <~^>  ^    ^    »   Lepsius,  Denkmdler, 


B.C.  1500]        SLAUGHTER  OF  SEVEN  KINGS 


75 


"Kethennu,  ?  >  Q  V\  r^M    v   ,   having  over- 

"  thrown  all  his  enemies  and  made  broader  the 
"frontiers  of  Egypt  in  his  first  victorious  campaign. 
"  His  majesty  came  with  a  heart  expanded  with 
"joy  to  father  Amen,  [for]  he  had  slain  seven 
"  chiefs  with  his  own  club  when  they  were  living  in 
"  the  country  of  Thekhsi,  and  he  hung  them  up 
"head  downwards  at  the  bows  of  his  majesty's  boat, 
"which  bore  the  name  of  '  Ea-aa-kheperu-smen-taui/ 

"(of  $  ;]  [1  ™  }  ^  Six  of  these  he  had 

"  stretched  out  high  up  on  the  walls  which  were  opposite 
"  to  the  pylon  of  Thebes,  together  with  their  hands, 
"  and  the  other  he  placed  in  a  boat  and  had  conveyed 
"  to  the  rebel  chief  of  Ta-kens,  i.e.,  Nubia,  and  hung 

/VAAAAA 

"upon  the  walls  of  the  city  of  Napata,1  Q  ^  so 
"that  all  the  folk  there  might  understand  the  mighty 
"  acts  and  deeds  [of  the  king]  for  ever  and  for  ever  in 
"  all  the  countries  of  the  world,  and  in  all  the 
"  mountainous  desert   lands  of  the  country  of  the 

"  Negroes,        ^  |1        ,  and  might  know  that  he  had 

"  grasped  with  his  hands  and  conquered  the  Aamu  (i.e., 
"  the  nomads  of  the  eastern  frontier),  and  the  northern 
"folk  who  lived  away  in  the  swamps  in  the  most 
"remote  parts  of  the  country."  The  countries  over 
which   Amen-hetep   claimed  to  have  made  himself 

1  A  large  Nubian  city  not  far  from  Gebel  Earkal. 


y6  BUILDINGS  OF  AMEN-HETEP  II.      [B.C.  1500 

master  are  enumerated  in  a  scene  in  a  tomb  at  Kiirna, 
published  by  Lepsius,1  and  are  as  follows  : — Retennu, 
Mennu,  Kefti,  Neherna,  Menti,  Anti  of  Kenset, 
Thehennu,  Pat,  Tares,  Sekhet-Am,  and  Ta-meht,  i.e., 
Nubia,  the  Eastern  Desert,  Libya,  the  Oases,  the  lands 
of  the  northern  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  Palestine, 
Syria,  and  Babylonia.  The  building  operations  of 
Amen-hetep  do  not  seem  to  have  been  conducted  on  a 
very  large  scale,  although  his  name  is  found  in  several 
of  the  ancient  shrines  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  Egypt.  As  he  worked  the  quarries  at 
Tura  it  would  seem,  as  Wiedemann  supposes,  that  he 
must  have  repaired  some  of  the  old  buildings  of 
Memphis,  but  no  trace  of  such  remains.  At  Karnak  he 
built  between  two  pylons  of  an  old  temple  a  small 
temple,  which  seems  never  to  have  been  finished.  This 
building  consisted  of  a  gallery  with  fourteen  square 
pillars  ornamented  with  reliefs,  a  hall,  entered  through 
a  granite  door,  with  a  roof  supported  by  sixteen  square 
columns,  and  a  series  of  small  chambers  which  flank  the 
hall.  The  bas-reliefs  are  good,  and  some  of  them  are 
coloured.  On  one  of  the  large  pylons  he  had  sculptured 
on  each  side  of  the  gateway  a  scene  in  which  he  is 
depicted  in  the  act  of  slaughtering  his  enemies.  He 
repaired  or  added  to  the  temples  at  Hermonthis, 
Elephantine,  and  at  all  the  principal  sites  between  the 
First  and  Second  Cataracts,  and  he  caused  some  works 


Derikmaler,  iii.  pi.  63. 


B.C.  1500] 


HIS  MUMMY  AND  TOMB 


77 


to  be  carried  out  at  Kummeh,  where  he  is  depicted  in 
the  act  of  pouring  out  libations  to  the  god  Khnemu, 
and  of  making  offerings  of  various  kinds.  The  mummy 
of  Amen-hetep  II.  was  discovered  in  his  tomb  in  the 
Valley  of  the  Tombs  of  the  Kings  at  Thebes,  by 
M.  Loret,  early  in  the  year  1898.  The  tomb  much 
resembled  that  of  his  father,  Thothmes  III.,  and  its 
walls  are  ornamented  with  a  large  series  of  figures  of 
the  gods  and  with  the  text  of  the  great  funereal  work 
entitled,  "  The  Book  of  [knowing]  that  which  is  in  the 
underworld."  In  the  tomb  were  found  three  mummies, 
each  with  a  large  hole  in  the  skull,  and  a  gash 
in  the  breast ;  fragments  of  a  pink  leather  cuirass 
worn  by  the  king ;  a  series  of  statues  of  Sekhet, 
Anubis,  Osiris,  Horus,  Ptah,  etc.;  a  set  of  Canopic 
vases,  and  amulets  of  all  kinds ;  a  large  series  of 
alabaster  vessels ;  and  a  collection  of  mummies  of 
kings  and  royal  personages,  whose  names  have 
already  been  enumerated.  The  funeral  chapel  which 
Amen-hetep  built  for  himself  was  near  that  ot 
Thothmes  III.,  and  its  remains  may  be  seen  close  to 
the  Eamesseum. 


Ra-men-kheperu,  son  of  the  Sun,  Tehtjti-mes-kha- 


KHAU. 


78 


REIGN  OF  THOTHMES  IV.  [B.C.  1166 


1 1 1 


m 

Ka-NKKHT-TI'T- 

khau,  the 
Horus  name  of 
Thothmes  IVr. 


crowns, 


or 


Tehuti-mes  IV.,  or  Thothmes  IV., 
the  Tovd/jLwaLS  of  Manetho,  is  said  to 
have  reigned  nine  years,  but  of  the  events 
of  his  reign  hardly  anything  is  known. 
In  addition  to  his  Horus  name  "Mighty 
Bull,  form  of  risings  [like  the  Sun],"  he 
adopted  as  his  titles,  "  He  who  is  doubly 
stable  in  his  kingdom  like  the  god 
Temu,"  1  "  Lord  of  the  shrines  of  Nek- 
hebet  and  Uatchet,"  "Horus  of  gold, 
mighty  one  of  strength,  destroyer  of 
the  Nine  Bows"  (or  Bat),2  "Crown  of 
"  The  one  who  riseth  with  risings  "  ;  the 
last  title  he  often  introduced  into  the  cartouche  con- 
taining his  name  Thothmes.3  Judging  from  a  scene 
which  is  cut  on  a  rock  on  Konosso,  a  little  island  in  the 
Nile  which  lies  at  the  northern  end  of  the  Island  of 
Bhilae,  Thothmes  IV.  must  have  undertaken  an  expedi- 
tion into  Nubia  in  the  seventh  year  of  his  reign.  Here 
we  see  the  king  in  the  act  of  slaying  two  Nubians  with 
his  club  in  the  presence  of  the  Nubian  god  Tetun, 

Bu  -^Su,  and  the  god  Khas,  ^f-;  these  gods  declare 
that  they  have  given  to  the  king  all  the  Anti  tribes  of 
Nubia,  and  every  foreign  land.1    On  an  inscription 


] 


3  An  interesting  variant  of  his  prcnomen  is 
Bien-khepern-Sa,  prince  of  Law." 

4  Lepsius,  Denhndler,  iii.  pi.  69  e. 


B.C.  1466]       HIS  EXPEDITION  INTO  NUBIA 


79 


in  the  temple  at  'Arnada  in  Nubia,  Thothmes  IV.  is 
described  as  the  "  Beautiful  god,  the  valiant  one  in 
"very  truth,  the  conqueror  (or  destroyer)  of  Kesh 
"  (Kush)  ^Jvj,  who  maketh  the  frontiers  thereof  to 
"  be  as  if  they  had  never  existed,  the  mighty  king  by 
"reason  of  his  bravery  like  the  god  Menthu.  firm  of 
"  heart  among  the  multitudes,  crusher  of  all  foreign 
"  lands  " ; 1  and  thus  it  seems  as  if  the  king  made  the 
raid  which  the  Egyptian  kings  usually  made  into 
Nubia  in  the  course  of  their  reigns,  whereby  they 
obtained  much  spoil.  In  an  inscription,  dated  in  the 
ninth  year  of  the  king,  published  by  M.  de  Morgan, 
mention  is  made  how  Thothmes  IV.  sailed  into  Nubia 
and  conquered  all  the  tribes  there  and  also  in  all 
foreign  countries,  and  how  Ka  made  him  to  be  feared 
like  Sekhet.2    That  Thothmes  IV.  made  an  expedition 

into  Tchahi,  J  or  Ph°enicia>  is  proved  by  the 

inscriptions  on  the   tomb   of   the   scribe  Tchanni, 

at  Thebes,3  wherein  he  says  that 

he  followed  his  master  there,  and  that  he  registered  the 
names  of  large  numbers  of  soldiers  [there],  and  that 
the  king  laid  waste  the  gardens  and  orchards  there, 
and  compelled  the  nobles  of  the  country  to  bring 
tribute  to  him.    Another  witness  of  the  expedition  into 

1  Lepsius,  Denkmaler,  iii.  pi.  69/. 

2  J.  de  Morgan,  Catalogue,  pp.  66,  67. 

3  Chanipollion,  Monuments,  p.  831 ;  the  most  recent  description 
of  the  tomb  is  by  Scheil,  Miss.  Arch.  Francaise,  torn.  v.  p.  592. 


J   /WWVA  /WWSA 


80      THOTHMES  IV.  CLEARS  THE  SPHINX      [B.C.  1466 


Syria  is  the  stele  of  Amen-hetep,  the  high  priest  of  the 

god  An-her,     ^=1     ,  who  says  that  he  was  a  follower 

of  his  (i.e.,  Thothmes  IV.)  footsteps  in  the  foreign 
lands  "  of  the  south  and  north  [when]  he  went  into 

"  Neherin,  r— ,     \\    r^^i ,  and  Kari,  (1(1  t^a 

I  L J        WAAA  <  Z>       |  | 

the  two  countries  which  represented  the  limits  of  Egypt 
to  the  north  and  south  respectively.1 

The  name  of  Thothmes  IV.  is  found  on  the  walls  of 
the  temples  at  many  places  in  Egypt  and  Nubia,  but 
his  contribution  to  the  buildings  of  Karnak  was  com- 
paratively small,  consisting  as  it  did  of  a  part  of  the  wall 
which  encloses  the  obelisks  that  were  set  up  by  Hat- 
shepset,  and  the  inscribing  of  a  list  of  gifts  which  he 
made  to  the  god  Amen  when  he  returned  from  one  of  his 
successful  raids.  In  his  short  reign  of  nine  years  it  was 
impossible  for  him  to  erect  a  large  temple  whereon  to  in- 
scribe a  record  of  his  raids  or  expeditions  into  Nubia 
and  Syria,  and  it  is  probable  that  he  had  no  great  wish 
to  do  so,  inasmuch  as  he  saw  that  both  these  countries 
had  been  subdued  by  his  predecessors,  and  that  he  was 
reaping  the  benefits  which  accrued  through  their  labours. 

One  of  the  works  which  he  undertook  will,  how- 
ever, keep  his  memory  green  for  centuries,  that  is 
to  say,  the  clearing  away  of  the  sand  from  the  Sphinx 
at  Gizeh.  We  have  already  mentioned  in  con- 
nexion with  the  Pyramids  at  Gizeh,  that  the  early 
history  of  this  remarkable  object  is  unknown,  and  that 

1  Sharpe,  Egyptian  Inscriptions,  pi.  93,  lines  5,  6. 


VOL.  IV. 


a 


82 


HISTORY  OF  THE  SPHINX 


[B.C.  1466 


different  views  as  to  its  age  exist ;  the  view  held  by 
those  whom  we  should  naturally  expect  to  be  the  best 
judges  is  that  the  Sphinx  dates  from  the  period  of  the 
Early  Empire,  and  that  it  is  as  old  as  the  IVth  Dynasty, 
or  older,  but  a  recent  theory  declares  that  it  was  made 
in  the  Xllth  Dynasty  by  Amenemhat  III.  It  is,  of 
course,  a  curious  thing  that  no  mention  is  made  of  this 
monument  in  the  early  hieroglyphic  inscriptions,  but  it 
is  quite  likely  that  it  was  wholly  buried  in  sand,  and 
that  it  was  forgotten  for  centuries. 

In  1817  Caviglia  was  carrying  on  excavations 
at  the  Pyramids,  and  at  about  this  time  turned  his 
attention  to  the  digging  out  of  the  Sphinx  from 
the  sand  in  which  it  was  buried.  In  the  course 
of  his  work  he  discovered  a  flight  of  steps  leading 
up  to  the  monument,  and  between  the  paws  of  the 
Sphinx  a  well-laid  pavement;  passing  to  the  end  of 
the  pavement  nearest  its  breast  were  the  remains  of 
what  had  once  evidently  been  a  small  open  temple. 
Between  the  paws  of  the  Sphinx  is  an  altar  of  red 
granite,  and  immediately  in  front  of  its  breast  is  a  huge 
red  granite  tablet,  fourteen  feet  in  height,  upon  which 
is  inscribed  the  account  of  how  Thothmes  IV.  dug  the 
Sphinx  out  of  the  sand.  On  the  upper  portion  of  the 
tablet  is  a  vaulted  sky,  beneath  which  is  the  winged  disk 
of  Heru-Behutet  with  pendent  uraei.  Beneath  these 
are  two  scenes  in  which  Thothmes  IV.  is  seen  making 
an  offering  of  incense  and  pouring  out  a  libation  before 
two  human-headed  lions,  or  sphinxes,  couchant  upon 


B.C.  1466]       THE  TABLET  OF  THE  SPHINX 


83 


pedestals,  who  are  the  visible  types  of  Heru-eru-khut, 


(Oi,   or   Harmachis.     Between  these   is  a 


vertical  line  of  hieroglyphics  which  reads,  "  I  grant  that 
"  Ba-men-kheperu-Tehuti-mes-kha-khau  shall  rise  like 
"  the  sun  upon  the  throne  of  the  god  Seb,  and  that  he 
"  shall  attain  to  the  rank  of  the  god  Tern ; "  one  sphinx 
says,  "  I  give  victory  to  the  lord  of  the  two  lands, 
"  Thothnies,  who  riseth  with  risings  like  [those  of]  the 
"  sun,"  and  the  other  says,  "  I  give  life  and  power  unto 
"  the  lord  of  the  two  lands,  Thothmes,  who  riseth  with 
"  risings  like  [those]  of  the  sun."  Below  these  scenes 
are  several  lines  of  text/  from  which  the  following 
facts  are  drawn  : — 

The  tablet  was  set  up  on  the  19th  day  of  the  third 
month  of  the  season  Shat  in  the  first  year  of  the 
king's  reign,  and  after  enumerating  a  number  of  high- 
flown  titles  which  identify  Thothmes  IV.  with  several 
of  the  gods,  e.g.,  "Beautiful  god,  the  son  of  Tern,  the 
"  avenger  of  Heru-khuti  (Harmachis),  the  living  sphinx, 

"        ■¥-,  of  Neb-er-tcher,"  the  text  goes  on  to  say, 

"Behold,  his  Majesty  was  like  a  babe,  (J         S),  like 

"  Horus  the  Child  among  the  papyrus  swamps."  And, 
"  Behold,  he  made  a  hunt  in  order  that  he  might  give 
"  his  heart  pleasure  in  the  desert  country  round  about 
"Memphis  (literally,  the  White  Wall),  and  along  its 

1  See  Lepsius,  Denkmaler,  iii.  pi.  68 ;  and  for  the  text  see 
Brngsch,  Aeg.  Zeitschrift,  1876,  p.  89. 


84 


HERUKHUTI-KHEPERA-RA-TEMU       [B.C.  1466 


"roads,  which  went  south  and  north,  in  order  that  he 

"might  practise  shooting  at  a  target,  ^  JJ  with 

"  [arrows  tipped  with]  copper.  And  he  hunted  the  lions 
"  and  gazelle  in  the  mountains,  and  he  used  to  drive 
"  away  in  his  chariot  [which  was  drawn  by]  horses  that 
"were  fleeter  than  the  wind;  and  he  would  have  with 
"him  two  attendants,  and  no  man  was  able  to  know 
"where  he  went  with  them.  And  it  came  to  pass  that 
"  once  when  it  was  the  hour  for  allowing  his  servants  to 
"rest,  he  wished  to  perform  an  act  of  worship  to 
"  Harmachis  at  the  shrine  of  Seker  in  the  underworld, 
"and  to  make  an  offering  of  cornflowers,  and  to  pray  to 
"the  goddess  Isis,  the  lady  of  the  North  Wall  and  of 

"  the  South  Wall,  and  to  Sekhet  of  Xois  ^  1,  and  to  Set. 

"  Now  a  great  magical  power  1  had  existed  in  this  place 
"  from  the  beginning  of  all  time,  and  it  extended  over  all 
"  the  region  as  far  as  Kher-Ahaut  wherefrom  led  the 
"  road  of  the  gods  unto  the  western  border  of  heaven, 
"  Heliopolis.  And  at  this  time  the  Sphinx  form  of  the 
"  most  mighty  god  Khepera  came  unto  this  place,  and 
"  the  greatest  of  the  Souls,  and  the  holiest  of  the  holy 
"  ones  rested  therein,  and  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  city 
"  of  Memphis  and  in  all  the  towns  in  his  territory  round 
"  about  raised  their  hands  in  adoration  unto  him,  and 
"  brought  rich  offerings  unto  his  ka  (or  double)."  One 
day  the  king  was  hunting  in  this  neighbourhood  about 


I.e.,  a  spell  had  been  laid  on  the  country. 


B.C.  1466]         APPEARS  TO  THOTHMES  IV. 


85 


the  time  of  noon,  and  he  halted  to  rest  under  the  shadow 
of  the  Sphinx ;  whilst  he  was  resting  sleep  overcame 
him,  and  he  dreamed  a  dream  just  at  the  time  when  the 
sun  reached  his  highest  point  in  the  heavens.  He 
thought  that  the  majesty  of  the  venerable  god  came  to 
him  and  began  to  speak  to  him  face  to  face,  even  as  a 
father  speaketh  to  his  son,  saying,  "  Behold  me,  0  my 
"  son  Thothmes,  I  am  thy  father  Heru-khuti-Khepera- 
"  Ea-Temu,  and  unto  thee  shall  it  be  granted  to  sit  upon 
"  my  throne  and  to  rule  among  the  living,  and  thou  shalt 
"  wear  upon  thy  head  the  crowns  of  the  South  and  of  the 
"  North,  and  thou  shalt  sit  upon  the  throne  of  Seb,  the 
"  prince  of  the  gods.  Every  country  upon  which  the 
"light  of  Neb-er-tcher,  i.e.,  the  god  of  the  universe, 
"  falleth  shall  be  thine  throughout  its  length  and  breadth, 
"  and  whatsoever  is  produced  by  the  two  lands  shall  be 
"  thine,  together  with  tribute  from  the  other  countries 
"  of  the  world,  and  thou  shalt  live  countless  years  of 
"  life.  My  face  is  turned  towards  thee,  and  my  heart  is 
"  set  towards  thee  for  good,  and  thou  art  indeed  enveloped 
"  by  my  being.  But  the  sand  whereon  I  have  my  being 
"  hath  closed  me  in  on  all  sides  ;  say  unto  me  that  thou 
"  wilt  do  for  me  all  that  I  desire,  and  then  I  shall  know 
"  that  thou  art  indeed  my  son  and  he  that  will  help  me. 
"  Draw  nigh  unto  me,  and  I  will  be  with  thee,  and  I 
"  will  guide  thee." 

When  the  god  had  said  these  words  Thothmes 
woke  up,  and  took  heed  to  the  words  of  the  god, 
and  pondered  on  the  meaning  thereof.    Then  he  rose 


86 


THOTHMES  IV.  CLEARS  AWAY       [B.C.  1466 


up  and  made  offerings  to  the  god,  and  determined 
to  do  what  the  god  had  asked  him  to  do.  The 
lower  portion  of  the  stele  from  which  the  above  facts 
are  derived  is  broken  away,  and  the  last  few  lines  on 
the  portion  which  remains  are  in  a  very  fragmentary 
state,  but  the  few  legible  words  in  line  14  tell  us  that 
the  Sphinx  was  made  by  king  Khaf-Kii,  and  that  it  was 
the  image  of  the  god  Temu-Harmachis.  This  piece  of 
information  is  very  important,  for  it  proves  that  in  the 
XVIIIth  Dynasty  the  priests  of  Memphis  or  Heliopolis, 
who  advised  the  king  to  undertake  the  work  of  clearing 
away  the  sand  from  the  Sphinx,  believed  that  it  was 
the  image  of  Temu-Harmachis,  and  that  it  was 
fashioned  by  Khaf-Ka,  the  builder  of  the  second 
pyramid  at  Gizeh  about  two  thousand  years  before  that 
date.  There  is  no  reason  for  believing  that  the  stele 
which  we  have  been  considering  is  not  authentic,  or 
that  the  text  on  it  is  not  genuine,  and  there  is  nothing 
strange  about  the  king's  resolve  to  clear  away  the  sand, 
except  that  it  might  be  considered  a  comparatively 
trivial  task  for  Thothmes  to  undertake.  It  was  not, 
however,  a  trivial  task,  for  even  in  the  days  when 
unlimited  labour  could  be  obtained  for  nothing  the 
removal  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  tons  of  sand  was 
no  small  matter,  and  it  must  have  entailed  considerable 
expense ;  from  many  points  of  view,  however,  the 
inscription  is  of  great  interest,  especially  as  we  gather 
from  it  that  Thothmes  seems  at  one  time  to  have  been 
in  doubt  as  to  his  succession  to  the  throne  of  his 


B.C.  1466]       THE  SAND  FROM  THE  SPHINX  87 

father  Amen-hetep  II.  He  was  the  son  of  Amen- 
lietep  II.  by  a  wife  who  was  not  of  royal  rank,  and  the 
text  on  the  stele  of  the  Sphinx  seems  to  indicate  that 
he  would  become  king  only  on  the  condition  that  he 
cleared  away  the  sand  from  the  image  of  Temu- 
Harmachis,  and  so  restored  the  worship  of  the  god. 
From  this  it  would  also  seem  that  the  priests  of  Annu, 
or  Heliopolis,  promised  to  give  Thothmes  their  assist- 
ance, provided  he  cleared  out  and  restored  the  sanctuary 
of  the  form  of  the  Sun-god  which  they  worshipped, 
and  when  we  consider  that  the  king's  ancestors  had 
been  firm  and  zealous  worshippers  of  the  god  Amen 
or  Amen-Ra,  it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  he  performed 
this  work,  unless  he  received  great  assistance  from 
them  in  obtaining  the  throne.  It  may  be  that 
Thothmes  preferred  the  worship  of  the  old  Heliopolitan 
gods  to  that  of  Amen-Ra,  and  that  the  priests  of 
Heliopolis,  knowing  this,  persuaded  him  to  help  to 
restore  the  worship  of  one  of  the  oldest  gods  of  the 
northern  kingdom.  On  the  other  hand,  we  know  that 
the  heresy  of  the  Aten  worshippers,  which  culminated 
in  the  reign  of  Amen-hetep  IV.,  was  akin  in  some 
respects  to  the  old  worship  of  Aten,  and  as  this 
heresy  was  introduced  into  Egypt  by  the  princesses 
from  Mesopotamia  who  married  kings  of  Egypt, 
it  may  be  that  Thothmes  IV.  supported  the  priests 
of  Heliopolis  because  their  cult  resembled  that  of 
his  chief  wife,  who  came  from  Mitanni,  or  Western 
Babylonia. 


88 


THOTHMES  IV.  AND  ARTATAMA      [B.C.  1466 


Whether  Thothmes  IV.  was  the  first  of  the  kings  of 
Egypt  who  entered  into  friendly  relations  with  the  kings 
of  Babylonia  (Karaduniyash)  and  Mitanni  (Mathen) 
cannot  be  said,  but  we  know  that  in  his  reign  such 
relations  existed,  and  that  they  continued  during  the 
reigns  of  two  of  his  successors.  Thus  in  the  Tell 
el-'Aniarna  tablet,  Berlin,  No.  24,1  Tushratta,  the  king 
of  Mitanni,  says  in  the  third  and  fourth  paragraphs  of 
his  epistle  to  Amen-hetep  IV.,  "  Now,  my  brother,  let 
"the  friendship  which  existeth  between  me  and  thee  be 
"ten  times  stronger  than  that  which  existed  between 
"  thy  father  Nimmuriya 2  and  myself.  In  all  the 
"  dealings  which  he  had  with  me  he  never  caused  me 
"sorrow  by  any  word  which  he  spake,  and  I  never 
"caused  him  sorrow  by  any  word  which  I  spake; 
"whatsoever  I  asked  him  to  do  that  he  did  on  that 
"  very  day,  and  whatsoever  he  asked  me  to  do  that 
"  I  did  on  that  very  day.  When  the  father  of 
"  Nimmuriya  (i.e.  Thothmes  IV.)  sent  to  Artatama  my 
"grandfather  and  asked  for  his  daughter  to  wife  my 
"  grandfather  refused  his  request,  and  though  he  sent 
"  the  fifth  time,  and  the  sixth  time,  he  would  not  give 
"her  to  him.  It  was  only  after  he  had  sent  [the 
"  seventh  time]  that  he  gave  her  to  him,  being  [com- 
"  pelled  for  many  reasons]  to  give  her."  Thus  we  have 
direct  evidence  that  Thothmes  IV.  married  a  princess 


1  Winckler,  Die  Thontafeln  von  Tell-el-Amarna,  p.  51. 


B.C.  1566] 


QUEEN  MUT-EM-UA 


89 


of  Mitanni,  and  some  have  thought  that  she  is  to  be 
identified 1  with  the  queen  whom  the  Egyptians  called 

"  divine  wife  Mut-em-ua  ^  ^  (^^^  ^nJ]."  The 

friendly  relations  which  existed  between  the  courts  of 
Babylonia  and  Egypt  are  referred  to  in  another  Tell 
el-'Amarna  letter,  Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,786,2  and  Burra- 
buriyash,  writing  to  Amen-hetep  IV.,  says,  "  From  the 
"  time  of  Kara-indash,3  when  your  father's  envoys  came 
"  to  my  fathers,  even  unto  the  present  time  our  relations 
"have  been  friendly,  and  you  and  I  also  are  on  friendly 
"terms;  your  envoys  have  come  to  me  three  times, 
"but  they  have  brought  me  no  rich  gift,  and  I  on 
"my  part  also  have  sent  you  no  rich  gift.  If  I  am 
"refused  nothing  I  will  refuse  nothing."  Thus  we 
may  see  that  in  the  reign  of  Thothmes  IV.  a  great 
king  of  Mesopotamia  sought  to  gain  the  favour  of 
the  Pharaoh  of  all  Egypt  by  giving  him  his  daughter 
in  marriage. 


neb,  son  of  the  Sun,  Amen-iietep-heq-Uast. 

1  See  Aeg.  Zeitschrift,  vol.  28,  p.  112  f. ;  and  also  Maspero,  Hist. 
Anc,  torn.  ii.  p.  295. 

2  Bezold-Budge,  Tell  el-Amarna  Tablets  in  the  British  Museum, 
p.  xxxi. 

3  Kara-indash  was  the  grandfather  of  Burraburiyash. 


go  THE  REIGN  OF  AMEN-HETEP  III.     [B.C.  1450 


Ka-nekht-kh!- 
em-Uast, 
the  Horns  name  of 
Amen-hetep  III. 


Amen-hetep  III.,  or  Amenophis  III., 
was  the  son  of  Thothines  IV.  and  queen 
Mut-em-ua,  and  as  Hatshepset  maintained 
that  the  god  Amen  became  incarnate  in 
her  earthly  father  at  the  time  when  she 
was  begotten,  and  was  therefore  her  true- 
father,  so  Amen-hetep  III.  declared  that 
the  god  Amen  became  incarnate  in  his 
father  Thothmes  IV.,  and  that  he  was  the 
offspring  of  the  union  of  Amen  and  the 
queen  Mut-em-ua.1  Amen-hetep  III., 
or  'A/jLer(0(f)L<;,  reigned  thirty-one  years, 
according  to  Manetho,  but  the  monuments  prove  that 
his  reign  was  nearer  forty  than  thirty  years.  He  was 
crowned  king  on  the  13th  day  of  the  third  month  of 
the  season  Sheniut,  soon  after  his  father's  death,  and  it 
is  probable  that  he  was  not  twenty  years  of  age.  His 
Horus  names  were  seven  in  number,  and  he  adopted  as 
his  titles,  "Mighty  Bull,  rising  [like  the  sun]  with 
Maat  (or,  diademed  with  Maat)  " ;  "He  who  uniteth  the 

white  crown,  beloved  of  Heliopolis," 

"  The   stable   one   of   many  years 

<£K  Js37;   -'Mighty  Bull, 

far-reaching,"  ^  ^J]  ^  w  fa  ; 

prince  of  princes,"  j  fjj, 


fff 


and  festivals," 
whose  power  is 

"Mighty  Bull, 

"Mighty  Bull, 


1  Copies  of  the  reliefs  illustrating  this  will  be  found  in  Rosellini, 
Monumenti  Reali,  plates  38-41;  Lepsius,  Denhmdlef? iii.  74,  75;  etc. 


g2  GREAT  PROSPERITY  OF  EGYPT       [B.C.  1450 

the  form  of  risings  [like  the  sun],"   f]  o  ^  ^  ^  ; 

"Prince   of  all  living   kau^  ^     ^     ^  j  ^  ; 

"  Lord  of  the  shrines  of  Nekhebet  and  Uatchet ;  "  "  The 
Horus  of  gold,  stablisher  of  laws,  snbduer  of  the  two 
lands,  great  one,  smiter  of  the  Asiatics  ;  "  "  Mighty  one 
of  monuments,  unifier  of  the  two  lands,  whose  might 
extendeth  from  Heliopolis  to  Hermonthis,  smiter  of  the 
Menti,  subduer  of  the  Libyans,  subduer  of  the  Pati, 
conqueror  of  the  Anti  of  Nubia,  king  of  kings,  avenger 
of  the  gods,  lord  of  Kenset,  great  god,"  etc.  Amen- 
hetep  III.  was,  undoubtedly,  one  of  the  greatest  of  the 
kings  of  Egypt,  and  in  his  long  reign  the  country 
attained  to  a  state  of  prosperity  and  greatness  the  like 
of  which  had  never  before  been  seen  therein.  He  con- 
solidated the  empire  which  his  great  ancestors  had  won, 
and  although,  with  one  exception,  he  carried  on  no 
great  wars,  his  supremacy  was  recognized  from  the 
most  southerly  limit  of  Nubia  known  to  the  Egyptians 
to  the  northernmost  parts  of  Syria  and  Mesopotamia. 
Vassal  nations  paid  to  him  the  appointed  tribute  un- 
hesitatingly, because  they  knew  that  they  had  to  deal 
with  the  representative  of  a  power  which  in  the  past 
had  smitten  them  swiftly,  hard,  and  often,  and  because 
they  believed  that  representative  was  prepared  to 
smite  them  as  swiftly  and  as  hard  again.  Under  the 
strong  but  peaceful  rule  of  Amen-hetep  trade  between 
Egypt  and  her  neighbours  flourished,  and  king  and 
subject  mutually  benefited  by  the  wealth  which  was 


B.C.  1*50] 


EXPEDITION  INTO  NUBIA 


93 


poured  into  the  country  from  her  possessions  in 
Asia. 

During  the  first  four  years  of  the  reign  of  Amen-hetep 
the  peace  of  Egypt  remained  undisturbed,  but  in  the  fifth 
year  a  rebellion  of  some  magnitude  broke  out  in  Nubia, 
and  it  was  necessary  for  the  king  to  go  and  inflict  upon 
the  tribes  there  the  punishment  which  had  to  be 
inflicted  by  every  new  king  of  Egypt.  The  centre  of 
the  part  of  the  country  which  had  broken  into  rebellion 
was  Abhat,  a  district  which  seems  to  have  been  situ- 
ated in  the  Eastern  Desert  about  thirty  miles  south  of 
Behen,  or  the  modern  town  of  Wadi  Haifa.  To  this 
place  the  king  marched,  and,  having  joined  his  forces 
to  those  of  Merimes,  the  "Prince  of  Kush,"  he  did 
battle  with  the  Nubians,  and  defeated  them  utterly ; 
the  sticks,  staves,  and  clubs  of  the  Nubian  tribes  could 
resist  but  weakly  the  metal  weapons  of  the  Egyptians, 
and  the  troops  of  Pharaoh  were  accustomed  to  conquer. 
The  booty  captured  in  this  campaign  was  great,  and 
among  other  things  it  included  about  750  prisoners ; 
the  hands  cut  off  were  over  three  hundred,  so  we  know 
that  at  least  that  number  of  rebels  were  killed.  This 
raid  must  have  been  on  a  large  scale,  and  the 
Egyptians  were  proud  of  their  success,  which  they 
described  in  the  usual  way  by  cutting  inscriptions  on 
the  rocks  on  the  little  Island  of  Konosso,1  and  at 

1  See  J.  de  Morgan,  Catalogue,  p.  67 ;  and  Lepsius,  Denkmaler, 
iii.  pi.  82  a. 


94 


THE  TEMPLE  AT  SOLEB  [B.C.  1450 


Aswan,1  and  on  a  large  stele  at  Semneh,  in  the  Second 
Cataract.  To  commemorate  this  success  the  king  built 
a  large  temple,  with  two  pylons,  and  two  courts,  and 
two  hypostyle  halls,  at  Menen-en-kha-em-Maat,  near 
the  modern  village  of  Soleb,  and  not  far  from  the  head 
of  the  Third  Cataract ;  it  was  the  largest  Egyptian 
building  ever  erected  in  Nubia,  and  was  over  three 
hundred  feet  in  length.  Upon  the  pylons  are 
sculptured  scenes  in  which  the  king  is  represented  in 
the  act  of  smiting  the  heads  of  a  group  of  his  foes  in 
the  traditional  manner,  and  a  list  of  the  names  of  the 
Nubian  tribes  that  he  had  conquered.  The  ruins  of 
the  temple  buildings  are  still  very  considerable,  and 
are  unquestionably  the  best  preserved  of  all  the 
Egyptian  monuments  in  Nubia,  a  result  which  is  due 
to  the  fact  that  the  building  lies  some  distance  from 
native  villages,  and  the  people  have  found  the  task  of 
carrying  away  the  stones  too  heavy  for  them.  The 
larger  columns  are  nearly  seven  feet  in  diameter.  The 
use  of  this  temple  was  twofold  ;  it  served  to  remind  the 
natives  of  their  conqueror,  and  in  time  of  need  parts  of 
it  could  easily  be  made  into  a  fortress.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  the  country,  seeing  the  large  figures  of  the 
king  on  the  pylons,  would  attach  a  superstitious 
importance  to  them,  and  the  building,  which  would 
appear  massive  to  natives  who  were  accustomed  to  live 
in  tents  and  huts  made  of  palm  branches  and  reeds, 
indicated  the  presence  of  a  power  in  the  land  which 

1  Lepsius,  op.  cit.t  iii.  pi.  81 7i. 


B.C.  1450]     THE  WIVES  OF  AMEN-HETEP  III.  95 

was  to  be  permanent.  This  is  the  view  taken  by  the 
natives  of  the  Eastern  Sudan  of  the  huge  red  brick 
palace  which  Lord  Kitchener  built  at  Khartum,  and  it 
is  more  than  probable  that  both  Amen-hetep  III.  and 
his  modern  representative,  the  Sirdar,  were  as  mindful 
of  the  moral  effect  which  their  buildings  would  have 
upon  the  natives  as  of  the  practical  uses  to  which  the 
edifices  themselves  could  be  put. 

In  Palestine,  Syria,  and  Western  Babylonia 
Amen-hetep  III.  had  no  need  to  make  raids,  for  the 
tribute  was  regularly  paid  to  Egypt  by  the  vassal 
chiefs  of  these  countries.  The  relations  which  he 
maintained  with  the  great  kings  of  Western  Asia 
were  of  a  very  friendly  character,  and  the  Tell 
el-'Amarna  tablets  prove  that  Kallimma-Sin,  or 
Kadashman-Bel,1  king  of  Karaduniyash  (Babylonia), 
and  Tushratta,  king  of  Mitanni,  were  connexions  of  his 
by  marriage.  Thus  Amen-hetep  III.  married  a  sister 
of  Kallimma-Sin,  and  from  the  information  given  in 
the  draft  of  his  own  letter  to  this  king  (Brit.  Mus. 
No.  29,784)  we  know  that  Amen-hetep  III.  also 
married  one,  if  not  two,  of  the  Babylonian  king's 
daughters.  He  married,  but  apparently  not  with  her 
father's  full  consent,  a  daughter  of  Shutarna,  king  of 
Mitanni,  and  also  a  daughter  of  Tushratta,  the  son 
and  successor   of  Shutarna;   that  Amen-hetep  III. 

1  This  is  probably  the  correct  reading  of  the  king's  name,  but  as 
the  reading  Kallimma-Sin  is  now  well-known  it  has  been  used  in 
this  work. 


96 


GILUKHIPA,  TATUM-KHIPA,  THI       [B.C.  1450 


married  two  princesses  of  Mitanni  is  proved  by  the 
fourth  paragraph  of  Tushratta's  letter  to  Amen-hetep 
IV.  (Berlin,  No.  21).  Tushratta's  sister  was  called 
Gilukhipa,  and  she  is  mentioned  in  the  inscription  on 
one  of  the  sets  of  royal  scarabs  which  Amen-hetep  III. 
caused  to  be  made,  in  these  words  : — "  they  brought  to 
"  his  majesty  the  daughter  of  Satharna,  the  prince  of 

"Neherna,  the  lady  Gilukhipa,         ^        ^fj,  and 

"her  principal  women,  who  were  317  in  number." 
Tushratta's  daughter  was  called  Tatum-khipa,  a  fact 
which  we  learn  from  the  last  lines  of  the  Berlin  tablet, 
No.  296,  wherein  we  have,  following  after  the  list  of 
the  things,  this  statement : — "  This  is  a  complete  list 
"of  all  the  wedding  gifts  which  Tushratta,  king  of 
"Mitanni,  gave  to  Nimmuriya  (Amen-hetep  III.)  his 
"  brother,  his  son-in-law ;  he  gave  these  gifts  when  he 
"  gave  his  daughter  Tatum-khipa  to  Nimmuriya  in 
"  Egypt  to  wife."  But  of  all  the  Mesopotamian  or 
North  Syrian  women  whom  Amen-hetep  married,  the 
best  beloved  was  the  beautiful  Thi,  or  Tiii,  whose 
name  appears  in  the  Egyptian  texts  under  the  form 

Qj  (|  []  \\  ^jj,  and  in  the  Tell  el-'Amarna  tablets  as 

j^-  ^|  £:J^ .  None  of  the  other  Asiatic  wives  was 
acknowledged  to  be  "  Queen  of  Egypt,"  this  honour 
being  reserved  solely  for  the  lady  Thi.    Her  father's 

name  was  Iuaa,  ^  [j  ^jj^  and  her  mother's 
Thuaa,  s=>  ^  (j        ^fj;  she   seems  not  to  have 


9§ 


SCARABS  OF  AMEN-HETEP  III.      [B.C.  1450 


belonged  to  any  royal  house  in  Mesopotamia,  but  it  is 
perfectly  certain  that  she  was  accorded  the  highest 
rank  and  honour  which  a  woman  could  obtain  in 
Egypt,  where  she  is  described  as  "royal  daughter, 
"royal  sister,  royal  mother,  royal  wife,  great  lady, 
lady  of  the  South  and  North."  The  lady  with 
whom  she  is  identified  is  represented  as  having  a 
fair  complexion  and  blue  eyes,  and  she  has  all  the 
physical  characteristics  of  the  women  belonging  to 
certain  families  who  may  be  seen  in  north-eastern 
Syria  to  this  day.  Thi  was  the  mother  of  Amen- 
hetep  IV.,  and  of  his  sister  Amen-sat,  and  Amen-hetep 
III.  gave  her  name  prominence  everywhere  equal  to 
that  of  his  own.  It  has  been  commonly  said  that  he 
married  her  in  the  tenth  year  of  his  reign,  but  there  is 
no  evidence  for  this  statement,  because  the  large 
scarabs  which  are  quoted  in  proof  say  nothing  of  the 
kind.  These  scarabs  are  of  four  kinds  ;  one  kind  is 
dated  in  the  tenth,  and  one  in  the  eleventh  year  of  his 
reign,  and  two  kinds  are  undated.  The  text  on  the 
first  group  of  scarabs  reads  : — "  Year  tenth  under  the 
"majesty  of  Horus,  the  mighty  bull,  diademed  (or 
"rising)  with  law,  lord  of  the  shrines  of  Nekhebet  and 
"  Uatchet,  establisher  of  laws,  pacifier  of  the  two  lands, 
"the  Horus  of  gold,  mighty  of  valour,  smiter  of  the 
"Asiatics,  king  of  the  South  and  North,  the  lord 
"  maker  of  created  things,  Neb-Maat-Ea,  chosen  of  Ka, 
"  son  of  the  Sun,  Amen-hetep,  prince  of  Thebes,  giver 
"  of  life  ;  the  royal  wife,  the  mighty  lady,  Thi,  the 


B.C.  1450]    AMEN-HETEP  THE  LION  HUNTER 


99 


"  living  one — the  name  of  her  father  was  Iuaa,  the 
"name  of  her  mother  was  Thuaa.  Wonders.  They 
"brought  to  his  majesty,  life,  strength,  and  health, 
"Kirkipa  (Grilukhipa) ,  the  daughter  of  Satharna,  the 
"  prince  of  Neherna,  and  all  her  chief  women,  317  in 
"number."  Thus  this  scarab  proves  beyond  a  doubt 
that  Amen-hetep  III.  was  in  the  tenth  year  of  his 
reign  already  married  to  Thi  when  Shutarna's  daughter 
Gilukhipa  was  brought  to  him  in  Egypt.  The  group 
of  scarabs  dated  in  the  eleventh  year  of  his  reign  gives 
the  names  and  titles  of  himself  and  Thi  in  the  same 
way  and  in  the  same  order  as  the  class  dated  in  the 
tenth  year,  and  then  we  are  told  on  them  that  "  his 
"majesty  ordered  the  making  of  a  lake  for  the  royal 
"  wife,  the  great  lady,  Thi,  in  her  city  (?)  of  Tcharukha. 
"Its  length  was  3600  cubits,  and  its  breadth  600 
"cubits.  The  festival  of  inauguration  was  performed 
"by  his  majesty  on  the  16th  day  of  the  third  month  of 
"  the  season  Shat,  when  his  mujesty  sailed  over  it  in 
"his  boat  called  '  Aten-neferu/ "  The  two  undated 
classes  of  scarabs  repeat  the  names  and  titles  of  the 
king  and  Thi  in  the  same  way  and  in  the  same  order, 
but  one  class  records  that  in  the  first  ten  years  of 
his  reign  Amen-hetep  III.  shot  with  his  own  hand, 

J^="~  ^Tt'  one  nun(^re(^  an^  *wo  fierce  lions, 
and  the  second  that  the  frontiers  of  his  kingdom 
extended  from  Karei,  ^  <~j~>  (j  (j  rv^i }  iu  the  extreme 

south  of  Nubia,  to  Neharina,    rrj  ^  \\    \  (X)  , 


ioo  Amen-hetep  the  LION  HUNTER   [B.C.  1450 

or  Western  Babylonia.  Thns  it  is  impossible  to  tell 
from  the  large  scarabs  the  year  of  the  reign  of  Amen- 
hetep  III.  in  which  he  married  Thi. 


Scarab  of  Amen-hetep  III.,  with  text  recording  the  daughter  of  102  lions  by  the 
king  during  the  first  ten  years  of  his  ieign.    British  Museum,  Ko.  24,169. 

The  building  operations  of  Amen-hetep  III.  were 
many  and  rof  various  kinds,  and  remains  of  them  are 
to  be  fonnd  from  one  end  of  Egypt  and  Nubia  to  the 


B.C.  1450]      THE  EXTENT  OF  HIS  KINGDOM 


IOI 


other.  In  the  early  years  of  his  reign  he  re-opened 
the  quarries  of  Tura  to  enable  him  to  build  the 
Apis  chapels  of  the  Serapeum  at  Sakkara,  the  oldest 
part  of  which  dates  from  his  reign,  and  the  first  Apis 


Scarab  of  Amen-hetep  EEL,  inscribed  with  a  statement  as  to  tbe  limits  of  his 
kingdom.   British  Museum,  No.  16,988. 

Bull  which  was  laid  to  rest  there  was  deposited  in  its 
subterranean  chamber  during  his  reign.1  Inscriptions 
in  the  Sinaitic  Peninsula  prove  that  work  was  carried 

1  The  Serapeum  was  excavated  by  Marietta  in  1850. 


102 


THE  TEMPLE  OF  LUXOR 


[B.C.  1450 


on  there  for  the  king  in  the  36th  year  of  his  reign, 
and  at  Silsila  and  elsewhere  the  quarries  were  worked 
continuously,  so  that  abundant  supply  of  good  stone 
might  he  forthcoming  for  his  buildings  at  Thebes.  At 
Karnak  he  built  a  large  pylon,  and  completed  certain 
works  which  had  been  begun  in  the  reign  or  reigns  of 
his  predecessors,  and  he  cut  inscriptions  and  sculptured 
reliefs  upon  some  of  the  walls  of  the  great  temple  of 
Amen-Ra  which  enumerate  the  various  gifts  that  he 
dedicated  to  the  great  god  of  Thebes,  and  illustrate  the 
great  boat  of  the  Sun  which  was  employed  in  the 
temple  processions  at  that  period.  But  the  greatest  of 
all  the  buildings  which  he  set  up  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Nile  at  Thebes  is  the  temple  dedicated  to  the  Theban 

Triad  of  Atnen-Ea,  f\  «  <f  |,  Mut,  ^  ~  |,  and 

Khensu,  ^  1  ^  ^ '  which  was  styled  by  its  builder 
"  The  House  of  Amen  in  the  Northern  Apt,"  and  is 
now  known  as  the  "  Temple  of  Luxor."  It  was  and 
still  is  a  wonderful  building,  and  must  have  been  the 
handsomest  temple  at  Thebes.  It  was  nearly  500  feet 
long  and  about  180  feet  wide ;  it  was  connected  with 
Karnak  by  means  of  a  paved  way,  on  each  side  of 
which  was  arranged  a  row  of  rams  with  their  faces 
turned  towards  its  main  axis.  It  was  added  to  by 
Heru-em-heb,  Seti  I.,  Kameses  II.,  and  others,  and  it 
must  have  been  considered  a  shrine  of  great  sanctity 
for  several  hundreds  of  years.  Amen-hetep's  son,  the 
heretic  king  Amen-hetep  IV.,  ordered  the  name  and 


104  THE  TEMPLE  OF  LUXOR  [B.C.  1450 

figure  of  Amen  to  be  erased  from  the  walls,  and  lie 
built  a  shrine  near  the  temple  in  honour  of  Aten  ;  at 
his  death,  however,  it  was  pulled  down,  and  the  stones 
which  formed  it  were  used  in  other  parts  of  the 
building.  The  greatest  injury  to  the  temple  was 
wrought  by  the  early  Christians,  who  smashed  statues, 
disfigured  bas-reliefs,  and  destroyed  the  shrines  in  it 
with  characteristic  savage  and  ignorant  zeal ;  certain 
parts  of  it  they  altered  and  turned  into  "  churches." 
In  the  sanctuary  at  the  south  end  is  a  chamber  in 
which  are  depicted  scenes  of  the  transformation  of 
Amen,  who  under  the  form  of  Thothmes  IV.  becomes 
the  father  of  Amen-hetep  III.,  and  the  conception, 
birth,  and  rearing  of  the  royal  child.  These  scenes 
are,  of  course,  copied  from  those  on  the  walls  of  the 
temple  of  Der  al-Bahari,  which  describe  the  divine 
origin  of  the  great  queen  Hatshepset.  At  Thebes  Amen- 
hetep  III.  built  a  temple  in  honour  of  the  god  Menthu, 
and  another  to  the  goddess  Mut,  which  he  provided 
with  a  large  number  of  black  basalt  seated  statues  of 
the  goddess  Sekhet,  sphinxes,  etc. 

On  the  west  bank  of  the  Nile  he  built  a  large  temple, 
and  in  front  of  it  he  set  up  two  colossal  statues  of  him- 
self, which  are  generally  known  throughout  the  world 
as  the  "Colossi  of  Memnon."  These  statues  are  made 
of  quartzite  sandstone,  and  when  new  were  about  53 
feet  high,  not,  of  course,  including  the  crowns,  which 
were  several  feet  in  height ;  the  pedestals  which  sup- 
port them  are  each  a  little  over  twelve  feet  high.  The 


B.C.  1450]  THE  COLOSSI  OF  MEMNON 


105 


northern  statue  is  the  better  preserved,  and  before  it 
was  repaired  by  Septimius  Severus  it  was  said  to  emit  a 
sweet,  sad  note  daily  just  after  sunrise ;  for  this  reason 
the  colossus  became  known  as  the  vocal  statue  of 
Memnon,  the  son  of  Tithonus  and  Eos,  and  brother  of 
Emathion.  At  a  comparatively  late  period,  when  the 
Greeks  became  acquainted  with  this  fact,  they  identified 
the  statue  with  the  son  of  Eos,  although  it  was  well 
known  that  the  statue  was  one  intended  to  represent 
Amen-hetep  [III.].  The  sound,  which  was  heard  by 
many  in  ancient  days,  is  variously  described  as  the  ring 
of  a  piece  of  metal  when  struck,  or  a  singing  sound  as 
of  a  human  voice,  or  a  low  soft  sound  from  a  horn,  etc. 
Many  celebrated  visitors  to  Egypt  journeyed  to  Thebes 
expressly  to  hear  Memnon's  note,  but  sometimes  they 
were  disappointed  ;  apparently  those  who  beard  showed 
their  gratitude  by  inscribing  verses  of  poetry  on  the 
statue,  but  it  is  a  noteworthy  fact  that  of  all  the  inscrip- 
tions found  on  it  only  one  is  in  the  Egyptian  language. 
The  upper  part  of  the  statue  was  cracked  and  thrown 
down  during  an  earthquake,  B.C.  27,  but  an  attempt  to 
make  the  damage  good  was  made  by  Septimius  Severus, 
who  built  on  the  part  of  the  statue  in  situ  several  layers 
of  sandstone,  after  which  the  sounds  at  sunrise  were  no 
longer  heard.1 

1  A  great  deal  has  been  written  about  the  cause  of -the  sound 
emitted  by  the  statue  of  Memnon,  but  every  one  who  has  passed  the 
night  among  the  ruins  of  old  stone  buildings  in  the  East  is  quite 
familiar  with  the  singing  noises  which  detached  pillars,  statues, 
and  stones  emit.    I  have  heard  such  sounds  come  from  the  lime- 


io6 


AMEN-HETEP  SON  OF  HAP        [B.C.  1450 


The  Egyptian  official  who  was  most  concerned 
in  the  building  of  the  temple  of  the  "  Colossi 
of  Memnon "  was  Amen-hetep,  the  son  of  Hap,1 
and  grandson  of  Kha-ern-Uast,  an  official  of  high 
rank  who  flourished  in  the  reign  of  Thothmes  III. 
The  inscriptions  found  upon  his  broken  statue 
supply  a  considerable  amount  of  information  about 
his  duties,  and  it  would  seem  that  he  was  the  king's 
chief  minister.  After  twenty-six  lines  of  introductory 
matter,  in  which  Amen-hetep,  the  son  of  Hap,  de- 
scribes his  own  abilities  and  how  the  god  Thoth  had 
given  him  the  understanding  which  made  him  a  most 
valuable  servant  to  his  lord,  and  an  adept  in  the  know- 
ledge of  "  divine  books,"  he  goes  on  to  say  that  Amen- 
hetep  III.  appointed  him  to  be  a  royal  scribe,  and  that 
he  became  skilled  in  the  "book  of  the  god,"  and  saw  the 
glories  of  Thoth,  and  knew  all  the  deep  mysteries  of 
literature,  and  that  every  secret  thing  was  known  to 
him.  He  then  became  an  orator,  and  the  king  promoted 
him  to  be  an  inspector  of  the  people,  and  he  assessed 
the  taxes  justly,  and  did  this  in  such  a  way  that  the 
people  who  were  taxed  applauded  him.    He  appointed 

stone  pillars  at  Palmyra  in  the  early  morning,  and  from  stones  in 
the  Valley  of  Giran  in  the  Singar  Mountains,  and  in  mountains 
between  Biredjik  and  Urfa,  and  at  Aswan  and  at  several  places  in 
the  Sudan.  Dr.  Brugsch  also  heard  the  same  kind  of  sound  in 
the  temple  at  Karnak.    (Egypt,  vol.  i.  p.  431.) 

1  He   was   also    surnamed    Hui ;     compare  (J 


1 1 1  mji*j 

/wwv\  ^  D 


B.C.  1450] 


THE  COLOSSI  OF  MEMNON 


IO7 


inspectors  to  patrol  the  roads  which  led  into  foreign 
lands,  and  to  make  the  people  dwell  in  their  appointed 
places  on  the  east  and  west  banks  of  the  Nile,  and  they 
were  supposed  to  keep  strict  watch  upon  the  nomads 


called  Nemausha, 


o  I 


he  also  made  men  to  keep  watch  over  the  river  ways 


The  Colossi  of  Amen-lietep  III.  at  Thebes. 

From  a  photograph  by  A.  Beato,  Luxor. 


into  Egypt,  and  he  was  the  captain  of  the  company  of 
men  who  maimed  the  king's  boats  for  this  service.  He 
divined  what  his  master  wished  to  do  in  respect  of  the 
people  that  were  subject  to  him  ;  and  he  was  in  charge 
of  the  prisoners  taken  by  the  king.  In  return  for  all 
these  services  the  king  made  him  overseer  of  works, 


T08  AMEN-HETEP  SON  OF  HAP  [B.C.  1450 


I  mer  hat,  and  the  able  servant  made  to  live  the 


name  of  the  great  king  for  whom  the  mountains  of  sand- 
stone had  been  created.  He  says,  "  Through  the  love 
"  which  was  in  my  heart  I  worked  to  make  his  two 
"  images  in  this  his  great  temple  from  block[s]  of  stone 
"each  of  which  is  as  solid  as  heaven."  1  The  like  was 
never  done  for  any  king  of  Egypt  since  the  days  of 
the  Sun-god  Ra,2  and  as  each  statue  was  forty  cubits 
high,  the  pylon  of  the  temple  behind  them  seemed 
comparatively  insignificant ;  when  each  statue  bad  been 
set  in  its  place  the  pair  resembled  the  gods  Kii  and 
Temu.  To  fetch  the  blocks  of  stone  for  the  statues  the 
overseer  of  works  tells  us  that  he  had  to  build  eight 
boats,  and  that  when  they  were  set  up  the  heart  of 
every  man  who  had  been  employed  by  him  in  the 
service  was  very  glad.  The  thankfulness  which  the 
architect  must  have  felt  at  the  end  of  this  difficult  task 
can  be  better  imagined  than  described. 

Amen-hetep,  the  son  of  Hap,  also  built  a  temple  at  the 
place  now  called  Der  al -Medina,  and  by  a  decree  which 
Amen-hetep  III.  promulgated  on  the  6th  day  of  the  fourth 
month  of  the  season  Shat,  in  the  eleventh  year  of  his 
reign,  it  was  ordered  that  the  building  should  be  maiu- 


Mariette,  Karaalc,  pi.  36. 


-  I.e.,  the  like  had  never  been  done  at  all. 


B.C.  1450] 


AND  HIS  WORSHIP 


IOg 


tained  for  all  time  out  of  the  endowments  provided  for 
the  temple  of  Ainen-Ra,  the  king  of  the  gods,  and  that 
the  sons  of  the  great  architect  should  be  the  priests 
thereof  for  ever.  The  king  then  pronounced  a  series  of 
awful  curses,  which  in  many  respects  resemble  those 
found  on  Babylonian  landmarks,  upon  any  of  his 
successors  who  should  allow  the  temple  to  fall  into  ruin, 
or  who  should  alienate  any  part  of  the  income  set  aside 
for  its  up-keep,  and  enumerates  the  honours  which  shall 
come  upon  those  who  seek  to  carry  out  the  terms  of  the 
decree.1  In  course  of  time  the  temple  fell  into  decay, 
but  in  the  time  of  the  Ptolemies  another  was  built  in  its 
place,  and  the  builder  of  the  original  temple  was 
worshipped  in  the  new  one  as  a  god  whose  word  never 
faileth.  It  was  believed  that  Amen-hetep,  the  son  of 
Hap,  was  possessed  of  magical  knowledge,  and  that  he 
wrote  certain  formulae  which  he  had  always  used  for 
his  own  protection  ;  a  copy  of  the  words  of  power  which 
he  composed  is  extant  in  the  papyrus  of  Heter,  now 
preserved  in  the  Louvre  at  Paris,2  and  another  is 
in  a  papyrus  at  Leyden.3  In  short  Amen-hetep  was 
included  in  the  group  of  divine  sages  such  as  Heru- 
tata-f  and   I-em-hetep,  or   Imouthis,  and   to  his 

1  A  copy  of  this  decree  will  be  found  in  Birch,  Inscriptions  in 
the  Hieratic  and  Demotic  Character,  pi.  29;  see  also  Brugsch,  Aeg. 
Zeitschrift,  1875,  p.  123  ff.  The  stele  on  which  it  is  written  is  in 
the  British  Museum  (No.  138). 

2  See  Maspero,  Memoires  sur  quelques  papyrus,  pp.  23,  58. 

3  See  Pleyte,  Chapitres  supple  mentaires  au  Livre  des  Morts, 
p.  71  ff. 


no 


TEMPLE  AT  EL-KAB 


[B.C,  1450 


words  was  attributed  power  of  a  most  remarkable 
character.  Curiously  enough,  a  mention  of  Anien- 
hetep  the  sage  occurs  in  the  tract  which  Josephus 
wrote  against  Apion  (i.  26),  wherein  it  is  said,  "  This 
"  king  (Amenophis)  was  desirous  to  become  a  spectator 
"  of  the  gods,  as  had  Orus,  one  of  his  predecessors  in 
"that  kingdom,  desired  the  same  before  him;  he  also 
"  communicated  that  his  desire  to  his  namesake  Amen- 
"  ophis,  who  was  the  son  of  Papis,  and  one  that  seemed 
"  to  partake  of  a  divine  nature,  both  as  to  wisdom  and 
"  the  knowledge  of  futuries."  In  answer  to  the  king's 
request  Amen-hetep  "  told  him  that  he  might  seethe 
"gods,  if  he  would  clear  the  whole  country  of  the  lepers 
"  and  of  the  other  impure  people."  Now  the  name 
given  to  Amen-hetep's  father  by  Josephus,  i.e.,  Papis, 
is  nothing  but  the  Egyptian  name  of  his  father,  Hap, 
with  the  article  pa,  "the,"  added  thereto.1 

In  other  parts  of  his  kingdom  Amen-hetep  III.  built 
largely.  At  El-kab  he  completed  the  small  temple 
which  Thothmes  IV.  had  begun  to  build  in  honour  of 
the  goddess  Nekhebet,  and  at  Elephantine  he  built  a 
small  but  most  interesting  temple  in  honour  of  Khnemu, 
the  Nubian  god  of  the  First  Cataract.  This  building- 
was  comparatively  small,  and  was  approached  by  a  short 
flight  of  steps,  on  each  side  of  which,  at  the  top,  was  a 
column  with  a  lotus  capital.  On  each  side  of  the 
temple  were  seven  square  pillars,  and  a  portico  ran 

1  This  was  first  pointed  out  by  Erman,  Aeg.  Zeitsclirift,  1887, 
p.  147. 


B.C.  1450] 


TEMPLE  OF  SOLEB 


III 


round  the  building,  which  consisted  of  one  hall  and  a 
small  shrine  chamber  leading  out  of  it;  the  main  portion 
of  the  edifice  measured  about  40  feet,  by  30  feet,  by  13 
feet.  This  temple  was  still  standing,  and  was  in  a  good 
state  of  preservation  when  in  1799  the  members  of  the 
great  French  Expedition  made  drawings  of  it,  which  they 
fortunately  published  later  ; 1  but  in  1 822  Muhammad 
Ali  wished  to  have  a  palace  built  for  himself  at  Aswan, 
and  the  whole  building  was  torn  down,  stone  by  stone, 
by  the  local  governor,  who  burnt  the  slabs  of  calcareous 
stone  to  make  lime  for  mortar,  and  employed  the  blocks 
of  granite,  etc.,  to  make  the  foundations  of  the  new 
palace.  At  several  places  in  the  First  Cataract  are 
inscriptions  which  refer  to  works  of  various  kinds 
carried  on  by  Amen-hetep  III.,  and  the  remains  of  his 
buildings  in  Nubia  testify  to  his  care  for  the  shrines  of 
that  country.  The  temple  of  Soleb  has  already  been  men- 
tioned, but  we  may  note  in  passing  that  the  importance 
which  it  possessed  in  the  opinion  of  its  builder  is  testified 
by  the  fact  that  Amen-hetep  III.  specially  visited  Nubia 
to  attend  the  inauguration  ceremonies.  At  Sedenga,  a 
little  to  the  north  of  Soleb,  he  built  a  small  temple  in 
honour  of  his  wife  Thi,  and  here  may  be  seen  the 
cartouche  of  the  queen  side  by  side  with  those  of  her 
husband.  To  Amen-hetep  III.  is  sometimes  given  the 
credit  of  having  first  discovered  the  suitability  of  the 
plain  which  lies  between  Gebel  Barkal  and  the  Nile  for 
building  purposes,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  built  a 

1  Description  de  VlZgypte,  torn.  i.  plates  34-37. 


112 


TOMB  OF  AMEN-HETEP  III. 


[B.C.  1450 


temple  there,  for  otherwise  the  two  granite  lions  in  the 
British  Museum,  and  the  colossal  ram  in  the  Berlin 
Museum,  all  of  which  are  inscribed  with  the  king's 
names  and  titles,  would  not  have  been  found  there. 
The  writer,  however,  saw  many  fragments  of  stelae  and 
statues  which  had  all  the  appearance  of  having  belonged 
to  monuments  of  the  Xllth  Dynasty,  and  it  is  im- 
possible to  believe  that  the  Egyptian  officers  and 
generals,  who  visited  Nubia  long  before  the  period  of 
the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  did  not  recognise  the  importance 
of  such  a  station  a  few  miles  from  the  foot  of  the  Fourth 
Cataract,  whether  for  a  fortress  or  a  temple.  The  fine 
pair  of  lions  referred  to  above,  which  were  brought 
from  the  ruins  of  the  temples  at  Gebel  Barkal  by  Lord 
Prudhoe,  are  thought  by  some  to  have  been  taken  there 
from  the  north  by  the  king  who  usurped  them,  but 
that  seems  unlikely.1 

Amen-hetep  hewed  for  himself  a  tomb  out  of  the 
solid  rock  in  the  Western  Valley  of  the  Tombs  of  the 
Kings,  and  he  appears  to  have  been  the  first  king  to 
make  a  sepulchre  there.  The  walls  of  the  corridors  and 
chambers  were  ornamented  with  coloured  representations 
of  the  king  holding  converse  with  the  various  great  gods, 

1  The  king  whose  name  occurs  with  that  of  Amen-hetep  III. 
upon  the  lions  is  Tut-ankh-Amen,  ^(]  "f"  ^^>°>  I  |  ^H' 
in  the  words  "he  restored  the  monuments  of  his  father,"  M.  Loret 
sees  a  proof  that  he  was  the  son  of  Amen-hetep  III.,  and  that  he 
repaired  the  temples  which  that  great  king  had  built  at  Gebel 
Barkal.    See  Recueil,  torn.  xi.  p.  212. 


B.C.  1430]        REIGN  OF  AMEN-HETEP  IV. 


113 


but  nearly  all  these  have  disappeared.  The  tomb  seems 
not  to  have  been  finished,  for  many  of  the  scenes  on  the 
walls  are  incomplete,  and  many  of  the  rooms  are  orna- 
mented neither  with  texts  nor  inscriptions.  When  MM. 
Jollois  and  Devilliers  discovered  the  tomb  in  1799  they 
found  in  it  the  cover  of  a  red  granite  sarcophagus,  and 
several  fragments  of  ushabtiu  figures ;  on  the  walls  of  the 
second  chamber  were  inscribed  passages  from  the 
"  Book  of  [knowing]  what  is  in  the  underworld."  The 
mummy  of  the  king  was  found  in  the  tomb  of  Amen- 
hetep  II.  by  M.  Loret,  as  has  already  been  said. 


4 
IP 


Ka-nefer-kheperu-Ua-en-Ra,  son  of  the  Sun,  Amen- 
HETEP-neter-heq-Uast. 

Amen-hetep  IV.,  or  Amenophis  IV., 
the  V2po?  of  Manetho,  was  the  son  of 
Amen-hetep  III.,  and  his  Mitannian  wife 
Thi;  of  the  circumstances  which  caused 
him  to  be  selected  from  among  the  sons  of 
Amen-hetep  III.  to  be  king  of  Egypt  we 
have  no  knowledge  whatsoever,  but  his 
accession  to  the  throne  was  most  probably 
arranged  by  Thi,  the  favourite  wife  of  his 
father.  Besides  his  Horus  name  Qa-shuti,  or  "Exalted 
one  of  the  double  plumes,"  he  adopted  as  his  titles, 
"  Divine  prince  of  Thebes,"  and  "  King  of  the  South 

VOL.  IV.  1 


Qa-shcti, 
the  Horus  name 
of 

Amen-hetep  IV. 


ii4 


AMEN-HETEP  IV.  AND  HIS  [B.C.  1430 


"and  North,  high-priest  of  Rfi-Heru-khuti  (Ra-Harina- 
"  chis),  the  exalted  one  in  the  horizon  in  his  name  of 
"Shu  who  is  in  his  disk,"1  and  "Mighty  one  in  his 
"  duration  of  life."  3  It  appears  that  in  the  early  years 
of  his  reign  his  mother  Thi  took  a  prominent  part  in 
the  government  of  the  country,  and  that  she  ordered 
certain  works  to  be  carried  out  as  if  she  were  the 
mistress  of  Egypt,  but  there  is  nothing  to  show  that 
she  assumed  a  position  similar  to  that  held  by 
Hatshepset  when  Thothmes  III.  was  a  boy.  When 
Amen-hetep  IV.  ascended  the  throne  he  must  have 
arrived  at  man's  estate,  for  he  was  married,  and  it  is 
thought  that  he  married  the  wife  who  is  called 
in  the  texts,  "Royal  wife,  great  lady,  Nefer-tith," 

Q  °  J)  ^  ^0 '  towal'^s  tne  ell(l  °f  n*s  Cher's  reign. 
We  know  from  the  Tell  el-'Amarna  tablets  that 
Tushratta,  king  of  Mitanni,  gave  his  daughter 
Tatumkhipa  to  Amen-hetep  III.  to  wife,  for,  in  his 
letter  to  the  Egyptian  king  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,793),* 
he  says  in  the  first  paragraph,  "To  Nimmuriya,  king  of 
"Egypt,  my  brother,  my  son-in-law,  whom  I  love,  and 
"who  loveth  me,  Tushratta,  king  of  Mitanni,  who 


3  See  Bezold-Budge,  Tell  el-Amarna  Tablets,  No.  10,  p.  42. 


B.C.  1430]         WIVES  FROM  MESOPOTAMIA  115 

"  loveth  thee,  thy  father-in-law.  With  me  it  is  well. 
"May  it  also  be  well  with  thee,  and  thy  house,  and 
"with  my  daughter  Tatum-khipa,  thy  wife  whom  thou 
"  lovest,  and  may  it  be  well  with  thy  wives,  and  with 
"  thy  sons,  and  with  thy  nobles,  and  with  thy  chariots, 
"  and  with  thy  horses,  and  thy  warriors,  and  with  thy 
"  land,  and  with  everything  which  is  thine  may  it  be 
"  well  indeed."  When  Tushratta  sent  his  daughter  to 
Amen-hetep  III.  he  sent  with  her  a  dowry  suitable  for 
a  lady  who  was  going  to  marry  the  great  king  of  Egypt, 
but  it  is  most  unlikely  that  such  a  dowry  would  have 
been  given  to  her  had  she  been  going  to  marry  a  mere 
prince,  whose  succession  to  the  throne  was  not  well 
assured.  In  any  case,  in  view  of  such  a  definite  state- 
ment as  that  contained  in  Tushratta's  letter  it  is 
impossible  to  speak  of  the  Mitannian  princess  as  the 
wife  of  Amen-hetep  IV.  only,  as  some  have  done,  for 
we  know  that  she  became  the  wife  of  both  father  and 
son.  An  attempt  has  been  made  to  prove  that  Nefer- 
tith,  the  wife  of  Amen-hetep  IV.,  and  Tatum-khipa  are 
one  and  the  same  person,  but  it  is,  as  M.  Maspero  says,1 
far  more  likely  that  Nefer-tith  was  an  Egyptian  lady 
and  the  daughter  of  some  princess  of  royal  blood,  whom 
the  son  of  Amen-hetep  III.  and  Thi  married  in  order  to 
make  good  through  her  his  right  to  the  throne,  which 
was,  of  course,  seriously  compromised  by  his  descent 
from  Thi,  a  foreign  mother. 

During  the  first  few  years  of  his  reign  Amen-hetep 

1  Op.  cit.,  torn.  ii.  p.  317. 


Il6     AMEN-HETEP  IV.  AND  ATEN  WORSHIP  [B.C.  1430 

IV.  appears  to  have  been  guided  by  his  mother's 
counsels,  and  it  is  quite  easy  to  see  from  one  of  the 
titles  which  he  assumed  on  ascending  the  throne,  that 
he  had  by  nature,  or  had  been  taught  to  have,  views  on 
religion  which  were  in  some  respects  akin  to  those  of 
the  priests  of  Heliopolis.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
his  grandfather,  Thothmes  IV.,  had  dug  out  from  the 
sand  the  Sphinx,  the  symbol  of  Ra-Harmachis,  who 
was  a  god  of  Heliopolis,  and  that  his  father,  Amen- 
hetep  III.,  had  celebrated  the  festival  of  the  opening 
of  the  lake,  which  he  had  made  to  please  Thi,  by 
sailing  over  it  in  a  boat  called  the  "  Beauties  of  Aten," 
i.e.,  of  another  god  who  was  worshipped  at  Heliopolis, 
the  city  where  all  the  forms  of  the  sun-god,  e.g.,  Ra, 
Temu,  Khepera,  Hern,  Heru-khuti,  Ra-Heru-khuti, 
Aten,  etc.,  were  adored.  When  Amen-hetep  IV.  came 
to  the  throne,  he  called  himself  the  "  high  priest  of 
"  Ra-Harmachis,  the  exalted  one  in  the  horizon  in  his 
"  name  of  Shu,  who  is  in  his  disk;"  thus  it  is  clear  that 
he  was  an  adherent  of  the  religion  of  Aten,  and  there 
is  no  reason  for  doubting  that  his  mind  had  been  led  to 
take  such  theological  views  through  the  teachings  of 
his  mother,  Thi.  It  may  have  been  that  these  views 
were  strengthened  by  the  opposition  which  was  offered 
by  the  priests  of  Amen  to  his  succession  to  the  throne, 
for  it  is  clear  that  the  deep  hatred  with  which  he 
regarded  them  and  their  god  was  not  of  sudden  growth, 
but  on  this  point  the  inscriptions  are  silent.  In  the 
early  part  of  his  reign,  Amen-hetep  IV.  followed  the 


B.C.  1430] 


THE  BENBEN  AT  THEBES 


117 


example  of  the  earlier  kings  of  his  dynasty,  and  lived 
at  Thebes,  though  at  the  same  time  he  was  carrying- 
on  building  operations  at  Memphis  and  Heliopolis,  and 
was  working  the  quarries  for  stone  to  be  used  at  these 
places.  He  was  politic  enough  to  pretend  to  please  the 
ecclesiastical  authorities  at  Thebes  by  building  a 
massive  Benben  J]  J]  n>  i-e->  a  shrine  which  was 
part  pylon  and  part  temple,  m  honour  of  the  god 
Heru-khuti,  and  all  Egypt  seems  to  have  been  laid 
under  contribution  to  provide  for  the  work.  The 
priests  of  Amen  must  have  regarded  with  strong  dis- 
approval the  intrusion  of  another  shrine  among  the 
temple  buildings  at  Thebes,  when  they  understood 
what  views  of  the  king  it  represented,  for  after  his 
death  it  was  taken  down,  and  the  stones  were  employed 
by  Heru-em-heb  in  building  operations  at  another  place 
on  the  sacred  site. 

Whilst  the  Benben  of  Harmachis  was  being 
built  at  Thebes,  Amen-hetep  IV.  was  planning  the 
foundation  of  a  new  capital  for  himself  at  some 
distance  from  Thebes,  and  definite  form  was  given  to 
his  views  on  this  subject  by  the  growing  hostility 
of  the  priests  of  Amen.  The  site  which  he  chose 
for  the  new  city  lay  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Nile, 
about  two  hundred  miles  south  of  Cairo,  and  it  is 
marked  to-day  by  the  Arab  villages  of  Haggi  Kandil 
and  Tell  el-'Amarna.  The  building  of  the  city  began 
in  the  fifth  year  of  his  reign,  and  it  consisted  of  a 
temple  for  the  god  Aten,  (1  a/w^,  a  palace  for  the  king, 


n8 


AMEN-HETEP  IV.  AND  HIS  [B.C.  1*30 


and  houses  for  those  court  officials  who  were  bold 
enough  to  cut  themselves  off  from  the  old  traditions  of 
Thebes;  the  neighbouring  mountains  would  afford 
resting-places  for  the  dead,  and  the  king  felt  that  when 
he  had  once  taken  up  his  abode  in  his  new  city  he 
would  be  able  to  defy  the  rest  of  Egypt.  Meanwhile, 
however,  the  relations  between  the  king  and  the  priests 
of  Amen  became  strained,  and  this  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at  when  we  remember  that  soon  after  his  accession  to 
the  throne- the  king  began  to  cut  out  the  name  of  Amen 
as  well  as  his  figure  from  every  building  in  Egypt.  At 
length  an  open  rupture  took  place,  and  the  king  found 
it  desirable  from  every  point  of  view  to  remove  himself 
and  his  family  to  his  new  city,  which  he  called  "  Khut 
Aten,"    &    (]       ,  i.e.,  the  "  Horizon  of  the  Disk." 

About  this  time  he  discarded  his  name,  Amen-hetep, 
because  it  contained  the  name  of  the 
hated  god  Amen,  and  gave  himself  the  new 

name,  "Khut- en- Aten,"  —  (]  > 

i.e.,  the  "  Spirit,  or  Glory  of  Aten,"  or 
the  Sun's  Disk.  At  the  same  time  he 
changed  his  Horus  name  from  "Exalted 
One  of  the  double  plumes"  to  "Mighty 
Bull,  beloved  of  Aten,"  and  he  styled 
himself  "  Lord  of  the  shrines  of  Nekhebet 
"  and  Uatchet,  mighty  one  of  sovereignty 
"  in  the  city  of  the  Horizon  of  the  Sun, 
"the  Horus  of  gold,  who  exalteth  the 


/WW\A 

o 


rm 

Ka-nekht-aten- 
meki,  the  Horns 
name  of  Khut- 
en-Aten. 


B.C.  1430]  NEW  CAPITAL  KHUT-ATEN  HO 

"name  of  the  Disk,  the  king  of  the  South  and  North, 
"  living  in  Maat,  the  lord  of  the  two  lands,  the  lord  of 
"  crowns."  The  break  was  now  complete,  and  Amen- 
hetep  IV.  settled  down  to  worship  his  god  Aten  in  his 
own  way  in  the  city  "  Horizon  of  Aten." 

Much  has  been  written  about  the  worship  and  creed  of 
Aten,  but  as  the  inscriptions  do  not  give  us  any  definite 
information  on  the  subject,  a  great  deal  of  theorizing  is 
made  to  take  the  place  of  fact.  The  worship  of  Aten 
was  a  very  old  one  in  Egypt,  and  its  original  home  was 
Heliopolis,  but  it  had  never  provoked  the  enmity  of  the 
Egyptians,  who  tolerated  it  and  were  tolerated  by  its 
priests.  The  worship  of  Aten  as  understood  by  Anien- 
hetep  IV.  was,  however,  a  very  different  thing,  for 
whereas  the  old  Aten  worship  was  tolerant,  the  new 
Aten  worship  was  not,  for  had  it  been  tolerant  the  king 
would  have  betaken  himself  to  Heliopolis,  where  the 
priests  would  have  received  him  gladly.  It  is  clear 
from  the  reliefs  which  have  been  found  at  the  city 
Khut-Aten,  that  the  god  Aten  was  regarded  as  the 
giver  of  life,  and  the  source  of  all  life  on  this  earth,  and 
that  his  symbol  was  the  light,  or  fire,  or  both,  of  the 
Sun ;  Aten  was  the  physical  body  of  the  Sun,  and  the 
creed  of  Aten  ascribed  to  the  god  a  monotheistic 
character  or  oneness  of  which  it  denied  the  existence  in 
any  other  god.  This  being  so,  the  new  religion  could 
not  absorb  or  be  absorbed  by  any  other,  and  similarly, 
Aten  could  not  absorb  or  be  absorbed  by  the  other  gods 
of  Egypt,  because  he  had  nothing  in  common  with 


120 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  ATEN  [B.C.  1430 


them.  Attempts  have  been  made  to  prove  that  the  Aten 
worship  resembled  that  of  the  monotheistic  worship  of 
the  Hebrews,  and  to  show  that  Aten  is  only  another 
form  of  the  name  Aden,  a  Semitic  word  which  is 
usually  rendered  "lord,"  but  as  far  as  can  be  seen  now 


The  rays  of  Aten,  which  terminate  in  human  hands,  shining  upon  the 
cartouches  of  Amen-hetep  IV.  and  his  wife  Nefertith. 

the  worship  of  Aten  was  something  like  a  glorified 
materialism,  which  had  to  be  expounded  by  priests, 
who  performed  ceremonies  similar  to  those  which 
belonged  to  the  old  Heliopolitan  sun-worship,  without 
any  connexion  whatsoever  with  the  worship  of  Yahweh, 


B.C.  1430] 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  ATEN 


121 


and  a  being  of  the  character  of  the  Semitic  god  Adon 
had  no  place  in  it  anywhere.  In  so  far  as  it  rejected 
all  other  gods,  the  Aten  religion  was  monotheistic, 
but  to  judge  by  the  texts  which  describe  the  power 


Amen-hetep  IV. 


and  works  of  Aten,  it  contained  no  doctrines  on  the 
unity  or  oneness  of  Aten  similar  to  those  which  are 
found  in  the  hymns  to  Ka,  and  none  of  the  beautiful 
ideas  on  the  future  life,  with  which  we  are  familiar 


122  WORSHIP  OF  ATEN  AT  KHUT-ATEN  [B.C.  1430 


from  the  hymns  and  other  compositions  in  the  Book 
of  the  Dead. 

The   temple   of    Aten   was   called   Het  Benben, 

y  ^  JJ        Jj  ^  ^ ,  and  was  a  very  large  building,  but 

it  was  never  finished,  as  far  as  the  ornamentation  of  the 
walls  is  concerned ;  in  its  courts  were  altars  on  which 
incense  was  burnt  and  offerings  were  laid,  and  it  is 
possible  that  the  idea  of  the  altar  was  suggested  to  the 
architect  Bek,  the  son  of  Men,  by  the  altar  which  the 
great  queen  Hatshepset  had  erected  in  her  temple  at  Der 
al-Bahari.1  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  no  sacrifices 
of  any  kind  were  offered  up,  either  on  the  queen's  altar 
or  on  the  altars  of  her  successors,  and  it  must  be 
noted  that  the  queen  says  in  her  inscription  on  her 
altar  that  she  built  it  for  her  father  Ka-Harmachis, 

and  that  Ka-Harmachis  was  the  one  ancient  god  of  the 
Egyptians  whom  Amen-hetep  IV.  delighted  to  honour. 
The  high  priest  of  the  temple  at  Khut-Aten  was  made 
to  adopt  the  old  title  of  the  high  priest  of  Ra  at 

Heliopolis,  i.e.,  Ur-maau,  (j  ^  and 

in  many  respects  the  new  worship  was  carried  on 
in  the  temple  by  means  of  many  of  the  old  forms  and 
ceremonies  of  the  Heliopolitan  priesthood ;  on  stated 
occasions,  however,  the  king  himself  officiated. 

1  This  altar  measures  16  feet  by  13  feet  by  5  feet,  and  its  top  is 
reached  by  a  flight  of  ten  steps  at  the  western  end ;  it  was 
excavated  by  Naville.    Temple  of  Deir  el-Bahari,  pt.  i.  p.  8. 


124  DESCRIPTION   OF  THE  NEW         [B.C.  1430 

Meanwhile  the  new  city  Khut-Aten  prospered  and 
grew,  and  many  wealthy  people  and  nobles  who  had  be- 
come terrified  at  the  growth  of  the  power  of  the  priests 
of  Amen  left  Thebes  and  took  up  their  abode  there ;  a 
number  of  court  officials  naturally  followed  their  king, 
and  as  the  new  canon  of  art,  which  he  proclaimed  and 
patronized,  gave  abundant  employment  to  sculptors 
and  artists  of  every  kind,  to  say  nothing  of  the  skilled 
workmen  who  were  needed  for  the  carrying  out  of  his 
projects,  the  city  soon  became  well  populated.  The 
houses  were  beautifully  decorated,  and  many  of  them 
had  plaster  pavements,  which  were  ornamented  witli 
unusually  artistic  designs  and  patterns;1  large  gardens 
full  of  choice  plants  and  rare  trees  were  laid  out,  not 
only  in  the  grounds  of  the  palace,  but  also  in  the 
houses  of  high  officials,  and  the  architect  Bek  and  his 
workmen  spared  no  pains  in  making  the  new  city 
beautiful  in  every  sense  of  the  wrord.  The  artists 
threw  off  many  of  the  old  trammels  and  conventionali- 
ties of  their  profession,  and  indulged  themselves  in  new 
designs,  new  forms,  new  colours,  and  new  treatment  of 
the  subjects  which  they  wished  to  represent.  Indeed 
it  is  to  the  buildings  of  the  city  of  Khut-Aten  and 
their  decorations  that  we  owe  many,  of  the  ideas  of  the 
possibilities  of  Egyptian  art;  the  art  of  the  period  is 
characterized  by  a  freedom  and  a  naturalism  which  is 
never  before  or  after  met  with  in  Egyptian  history. 

1  A  number  of  these  were  uncovered  by  Prof.  Petrie  in  the 
course  of  his  excavations  at  Tell  el-'Amarna. 


B.C.  1430]       CAPITAL  OF  AMEN-HETEP  IV.  125 

And  as  the  king  Khu-en-Aten  adopted  a  style  of  art 
different  from  any  which  had  been  employed  by  his 
predecessors,  so  the  texts  which  he  inscribed  upon  the 
walls  of  his  buildings  were  of  a  character  different 
from  those  with  which  we  are  familiar  from  the  monu- 
ments of  an  earlier  period.  The  subject  of  most  of  his 
inscriptions  is  Aten,  whose  glory  and  power  he  was 
never  tired  of  proclaiming,  nnd  a  good  illustration  of 
the  terms  which  he  employed  in  his  praises  of  the  god 
will  be  found  in  a  hymn  which  has  been  twice  published 
in  recent  years.1    In  this  we  find  that  Aten  is  said  to 

exist  in  the  form  of  Ba,  (j  ^\  *zrz*  /  ,  and 

that  he  is  called  the  "  living  Aten,  the  beginning  of 

life,"  Kl^f^^fT- 
Aten  resteth  in  the  west  the  land  is  dark,  men  sleep  in 
their  houses,  no  eye  can  see,  and  the  lions  come  forth 
from  their  dens,  and  the  creeping  things  bite ;  these 
last  statements  find  parallels  in  Psalm  civ.  20.  When 
Aten  riseth  men  wake  up,  and  wash,  and  dress,  and 
praise  him,  and  then  "  go  forth  to  their  labours ;  "  all 
creatures  rouse  themselves  joyfully.  It  is  Aten  who 
turneth  the  seed  of  man  into  men  and  women,  and  it  is 
he  who  giveth  life  to  the  son  in  the  body  of  his 


mother, 


1  First  by  Bouriant  in  Memoires  de  la  Mission,  torn.  i.  p.  2ff.,  and 
later  by  Mr.  Breasted,  De  Hymnis  in  Solem  sub  rege  Amenophide  IV 
conceptis,  Berlin  (no  date). 


126  AMEN-HETEP  IV.  OR  KHU-EN-ATEN  [B.C.  1430 


who  bringeth  him  forth  a  perfect  being  at  the  appointed 
time.  Aten  is  the  creator  of  all  living  things,  and  of 
all  men  of  whatever  language  and  colour,  and  of  the 
Nile ;  in  short,  Aten,  and  Aten  only,  is  praised  as  the 
creator  of  material  things,  and  the  sun  is  Aten,  and  all 
people  were  called  upon  to  adore  him. 

We  have  seen  that  when  Amen-hetep  IV.  finally 
declared  himself  in  favour  of  Aten  as  opposed  to  Amen- 
Ra,  he  changed  his  name  from  Amen-hetep  to  Khu- 
en  Aten,  and  it  must  now  be  noted  that  the  form  and 
figure  of  the  king  as  depicted  in  bas-reliefs  also  changed. 
In  the  earlier  monuments  of  his  reign  he  is  represented 
as  possessing  the  typical  features  of  his  father  and 
others  of  his  ancestors,  but  at  Tell  el-'Amarna  his 
physical  characteristics  are  entirely  different.  Here  he 
is  portrayed  with  a  very  high,  narrow,  and  receding 
forehead,  a  large,  sharp,  aquiline  nose,  a  thin,  weak 
mouth,  and  a  large  projecting  chin,  and  his  head  is  set 
upon  a  long  and  extremely  slender  neck ;  his  chest  is 
rounded,  his  stomach  inflated,  and  his  thighs  are  large 
and  broad,  and  in  many  respects  his  figure  resembles 
that  of  a  woman.  It  is  impossible  that  such  repre- 
sentations of  the  king  would  be  permitted  to  appear  in 
bas-reliefs  in  his  city  unless  the  king  approved  of 
them,  and  it  is  clear  that  he  did  approve,  and  that  his 
officials  understood  that  he  approved  of  this  treatment 
of  his  person  at  the  hands  of  sculptors  and  artists,  for 
some  of  the  high  officials  were  themselves  represented 
in  the  same  manner.    Still,  some  of  the  drawings  of 


128    PHYSICAL  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  AMEN-HETEP  IV. 


the  king  must  be  regarded  as  caricatures,  but  whether 
intentional  or  otherwise  cannot  be  said.  Some  have 
thought  that  the  features  given  to  the  king  by  the 
artists  were  in  some  way  supposed  to  be  connected 
with  the  views  held  by  the  worshippers  of  Aten,  and 
it  has  also  been  suggested  that  he  was  a  eunuch,1 
but  for  neither  suggestion  is  there  any  satisfactory 
ground. 

During  Khu-en-Aten's  comparatively  short  reign  of 
less  than  twenty  years  the  whole  of  the  king's  energies 
seems  to  have  been  expended  in  superintending  the 
building  of  his  city,  and  in  developing  the  worship  of 
Aten.  With  the  view  of  furthering  the  latter  he  built 
small  temples  at  Heliopolis,  and  Memphis,  and  other 
ancient  cities,  but  of  these  very  few  remains  have  been 
found.  War  seems  to  have  been  abhorred  by  him,  for 
we  do  not  hear  even  of  the  old  familiar  raids  into 
Nubia,  which  nearly  every  Egyptian  king  was  obliged 
to  make  as  soon  as  he  came  to  the  throne ;  on 
the  other  hand,  we  learn  from  the  tomb  of  Huia,~ 


,  the   king's   treasurer,  that   in  the 


1  "Est  is  vermutet  worden,  der  Konig  sei  bei  einem  Feldzuge 
"  entmannt  worden,  und  habe  so  die  charakteristischen  Ziige  der 
"  Eunuchen  angenommen  ;  dem  widerspricht  es  jedoch  dass 
"  derselbe  sieben  Tochter  besass  und  demzufolge  die  Entmannung 
"erst  ein  rorgeschrittetenen  alterhiitte  erfolgt  seiti  konnen,  wo 
"  dieselbo  auf  die  Aenderung  der  Physiogiiomie  kaum  mehr  einen 
"  Einfluss  ausiiben  konnte."    Wiedemann,  A  eg.  Gesch.,  p.  397. 

-  This  name  is  found  in  the  Tell  el-'Amarna  letter,  Berlin,  No.  6, 
under  the  form  ►-J^J  ^^^J  ' 


B.C.  1430] 


ATEN  WORSHIP 


129 


twelfth  year  of  his  master's  reign  he  brought  tribute 
from  Syria,  and  the  Islands  of  the  Great  Green,  i.e., 
the  Mediterranean  Sea,  and  Nubia.  If  we  consider 
the  amount  of  exact  information  concerning  the  con- 
dition of  the  rising  in  Syria  at  this  time  we  shall  see  at 
once  that  Huia  was  an  ambassador  who  spoke  smooth 
words,  for  that  Syria,  or  any  other  of  the  possessions  of 
Egypt,  paid  during  the  reign  of  Khu-en-Aten  tribute 
in  the  way  in  which  the  older  kings  understood  the 
expression,  it  is  impossible  to  believe. 

The  mummy  of  Amen-hetep  IV.  was  found  in  the 
tomb  of  Amen-hetep  II.  at  Der  al-Bahari,  whither  it  was 
removed  in  troublous  times,  although  he  had  caused  a 
tomb  to  be  hewed  out  of  the  living  rock  in  a  moun- 
tainous valley  which  stretches  towards  the  east,  and 
lies  between  the  two  groups  of  tombs,  one  on  the  north 
and  the  other  on  the  south  ;  it  is  about  eight  or  ten 
miles,  according  to  the  route  followed,  from  the  Nile. 
The  tomb  is  approached  by  two  nights  of  steps  and  a 
corridor,  and  a  little  beyond  the  small  chamber  at  the 
end  of  the  second  flight  is  the  hall  or  chapel  wherein 
the  sarcophagus  once  stood.  The  paintings  are  nearly 
all  destroyed,  and  it  is  certain  that  the  ornamentation 
of  the  tomb  was  never  completed.  Such  scenes  as 
remain  represent  people  of  every  tribe  and  nation 
worshipping  the  Disk,  or  Aten,  but  many  of  them  were 
painted,  not  for  the  king,  but  for  one  of  his  daughters 
who  died  before  her  father,  and  who  was  buried  in  his 
tomb. 

VOL.  IV.  K 


13° 


TATUM-KHIPA,  WIFE  OF  [B.C.  1430 


In  all  the  bas-reliefs  at  Tell  el-'Amarna  Khu-en- 
Aten  is  always  accompanied  by  his  wife  Nefertith, 
to  whom  he  gave  the  title  Nefer-neferu-Aten,  i.e.,  "  the 

beauty  of  the  beauties  of  Aten"  (^^^.^^1^0  i 
and  with  whom  several  writers  have  identified  the  wife  of 
Amen-hetepIII.,Tatum-khipa,^yy^y  ^JgE  ^  f^fz, 
the  daughter  of  Tushratta,  king  of  Mitanni.  Prof. 
Petrie  says,1  "Amenhotep  III.  was  negotiating  for  his 
"  son's  marriage  before  his  death ;  and  from  another 
"  letter  (9)  we  learn  that  Tadukhipa  was  the  daughter 
"thus  married  to  Akhenaten,  and  who  [sic]  was  known 
"  in  Egypt  as  Nefertiti."  M.  Maspero  takes  the  view  2 
that  when  Tatum-khipa,  who  had  left  Mitanni  on  the 
understanding  that  she  was  going  to  marry  Nimmuriya 
(i.e.,  Amen-hetep  III.),  king  of  Egypt,  arrived  in 
Egypt  she  found  that  the  old  king  was  dead,  and  that 
his  son  Amen-hetep  IV.  took  his  place  and  married  her. 
In  support  of  his  statement  Prof.  Petrie  merely  refers 
to  tablets  Nos.  6  and  9,  and  passes  on  ;  but  M.  Maspero 
to  prove  his  point  quotes  the  British  Museum 
letter  No.  11,  and  the  description  of  its  contents 
drawn  up  by  Prof.  Bezold  and  the  present  writer. 
This  letter  is  addressed  to  the  "  Queen  of  Egypt,"  and 
it  is  generally  thought  that  the  queen  referred  to 
is  Thi,  especially  as  mention  is  made  in  it  of  "  Thy 
son  Napkhuriya,"  or  Amen-hetep  IV.  The  opening 
words  contain  greetings  "to  thyself,  greetings  to  thy 

1  History,  vol.  ii.  p.  207.  2  Hist.  Anc,  torn.  ii.  p.  329. 


B.C.  1430]    AMEN-HETEP  III.  AND  AMEN-HETEP  IV.  131 

"  son,  greetings  to  Tatum-khipa  [my  daughter],  thy 
"  Kdllatu"  i.e.,  thy  bride  or  daughter-in-law.  And  in 
another  letter  1  Tatum-khipa  is  directly  referred  to  as 
the  wife  of  Napkhuriya  (Amen-hetep  IV.).  But  she 
was  not  originally  intended  to  be  the  wife  of  this  king, 
for  Amen-hetep  III.  had  negotiated  with  Tushratta 
not,  as  Prof.  Petrie  says  (Hist.  p.  207),  for  his  son's 
marriage,  but  for  his  own,  and  Tushratta  clearly 
describes  him  as  his  son-in-law,  as  he  also  describes 
Amen-hetep  IV.  later  on.  Prof.  Maspero's  description 
of  Amen-hetep  III.  as  epoux  pretendu,  i.e.,  as  a 
husband  to  whom  Tatum-khipa  was  never  married, 
because  he  was  either  dead  or  dying  when  she  reached 
Egypt,  is  disproved  by  letters  from  Tushratta  to 
Amen-hetep  III.,  which  contain  greetings  to  "  Tatum- 
khipa,  my  daughter,  thy  wife."2  It  is  evident  that 
Tatum-khipa  was  for  some  time  before  the  death  of 
Amen-hetep  III.  his  co-wife  with  Thi,  and  that  after 
his  death  she  was  taken  over  by  his  son  Amen- 
hetep  IV.  That  this  view  is  shared  by  Dr.  Winckler, 
the  editor  and  translator  of  a  large  number  of  the 
Tell  el-'Ainarna  tablets,  is  shown  by  his  translation  of 
the  words  kallati-k  by  which  Tatum-khipa  is  described 
in  Tushratta's  letter  to  queen  Thi,  already  mentioned 
above,  not  as  "  to  thy  daughter-in-law,"  or  even  as 
"  to  thy  bride,"  as  was  done  by  Dr.  Bezold  and  myself 

1  Memoires  de  la  Mission,  torn.  vi.  p.  302,  line  8. 

2  Winckler,  Die  Thontafeln,  pp.  xii.  41  (No.  18),  49  (No.  20). 


132 


FAMILY  OF  AMEN-HETEP  IV.        [B.C.  1430 


in  1892/  but  as  "  deiner  Mitfrau,"  "to  thy  co-wife/' 

1.  e.,  the  co-wife  with  Thi,  of  Amen-hetep  III.  For 
Prof.  Petrie's  identification  of  Tatum-khipa  with 
Nefertith  no  good  grounds  can  be  discovered. 

The  family  of  Amen-hetep  IV.  consisted  of  daughters, 

who  were  called: — 1.  Aten-merit,  (j  aa^a  "^r.      ^  ^fj  . 

2.  Maket-Aten,  fllji  ^  (|         ^.     3.  Ankh-s-en-pa- 

At6">  fTZ^1~irl|-  4-  Nefer-neferu. 
Aten-ta-shera,  (j  J  J  J  J  ^  '<~!.  Ij  ^  .  5.  Nefer- 
neferu-Ra,    oJJJJCjj1-     6.  Setep-en-Ra, 

/ww*  7.  Aten-Baket,  ij'^'^^'*^jf  •  Tnese 

names  mean, "  Beloved  of  Aten,"  "  Virtue  (or,  protection) 
of  Aten,"  "Aten  is  her  life,"  "Beauty  of  the  beauties 
of  Aten  the  Less,"  3  "  Beauty  of  the  beauties  of  Rfi," 


1  The  word  Icallatum  means  in  the  Semitic  dialects  "bride,"  and 
also  "  daughter-in-law,"  a  fact  proved  by  several  passages  in  the 
Cuneiform  inscriptions,  e.g.,  the  goddess  Tashmetum  is  called 
Icallatum  rabitum,  "great  bride";  Night  is  called  Icallatum 
Jcuttumtum,  "the  veiled  Bride"  ;  and  elsewhere  we  have,  Itti  emeti 
Icallati  iprusu,  itti  Icallati  emeti  iprusu,  "he  hath  set  the  mother- 
"  in-law  at  variance  with  the  daughter-in-law,  he  hath  set  the 
"daughter-in-law  at  variance  with  the  mother-in-law."  See 
Cuneiform  Inscriptions,  iv.  pll.  49,  obv.  2  ;  51,  1,  26,  27  ;  52,  41. 
Dr.  Winckler  obtains  his  translation  Mitfrau  from  the  meaning 
"bride." 

2  The  words  "the  Less  "  are  added  to  distinguish  her  from  her 
mother. 


B.C.  1430]     THE  TELL  EL-'AMARNA  TABLETS  133 


"  Chosen  one  of  Ka,"  "  Servant  of  Aten."  The  eldest 
daughter  died  before  her  father,  and  some  of  her 
sisters  married  husbands  who,  in  turn,  succeeded  to 
the  throne. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  subjects  for  study  in 


Amen-hetep  IV.  seated  upon  his  portable  throne  beneath  the  rays  of  Aten 
whilst  attendants  fan  him. 


connexion  with  the  reign  of  Amen-hetep  IV.,  or  Khu-en- 
Aten,  is  the  correspondence  which  was  carried  on  between 
him  and  the  kings  and  governors  of  Western  Asia,  and 
which  is  revealed  to  us  by  the  Tell  el-'Amarna  letters ; 
it  is,  however,  most  unfortunate  that  we  have  not  copies 


134  RELATIONS  OF  EGYPT  WITH        [B.C.  1430 

of  the  despatches  which  were  sent  by  the  king  of  Egypt 
to  his  vassal  princes  and  governors  in  Palestine  and 
Syria,  and  to  the  kings  of  the  independent  kingdoms  of 
Assyria,  Babylonia,  and  Mitanni.  In  a  separate  chapter 
a  brief  sketch  of  the  contents  of  the  letters  from  Western 
Asia  is  given,  but  a  few  paragraphs  must  be  devoted  to 
a  consideration  of  the  state  to  which  the  possessions 
of  Egypt  in  Palestine  and  Syria  had  been  brought  by 
the  incapacity  of  Amen-hetep  IV.  His  grandfather 
Thothmes  IV.  had  married  a  wife  from  Western  Baby- 
lonia, and  his  father  Amen-hetep  III.  had  married  a 
sister  and  a  daughter  of  Kallimma-Sin  (Kadashman- 
Bel),  king  of  Karaduniyash,  a  daughter  of  Shutarna, 
king  of  Mitanni,  and  a  daughter  of  Tushratta,  king  of 
Mitanni ;  thus  Amen-hetep  IV.  was  connected  with  the 
greatest  of  the  royal  houses  of  Western  Babylonia,  and 
the  heads  of  those  houses  were  anxious  to  continue  with 
him  the  friendly  relations  which  they  had  enjoyed  with 
his  fathers.  Besides  this,  Ashur-uballit,  king  of  Assyria, 
was  quite  prepared  to  do  business  with  him,  and  clearly 
had  no  wish  to  become  involved  in  war  with  Egypt ;  and 
as  far  as  regards  Syria  and  Palestine,  its  vassal  kings  and 
princes  would  have  paid  to  the  son  the  tribute  which 
they  had  paid  to  the  father,  had  the  son  taken  the  pains 
to  journey  into  their  lands  and  to  show  them  that  he 
was  a  capable  successor  to  his  father.  This,  however, 
Amen-hetep  IV.  did  not  do,  for  there  is  no  mention  in 
the  inscriptions  of  a  war  or  expedition  of  any  kind  having 
been  undertaken  during  his  reign  ;  had  he  occupied  his 


B.C.  1430] 


KINGS  OF  WESTERN  ASIA 


135 


mind  after  the  manner  of  his  fathers  we  should  probably 
have  heard  little  about  the  heresy  of  Aten,  or  of  the 
worshipping  of  the  Disk.  It  seems  that  Amen-hetep 
IV.  began  to  build  his  city  Khut-Aten  in  the  fourth 
year  of  his  reign,  and  therefore  the  strife  between  the 
priests  of  Amen  and  himself  must  have  assumed  large 
proportions  earlier ;  in  any  case,  from  the  fourth  year 
of  his  reign  to  its  end  he  had  neither  the  time 
nor  the  opportunity  of  attending  to  the  affairs  of  his 
empire. 

As  soon  as  the  peoples  of  Palestine  and  Syria  learned 
how  he  was  spending  his  time  they  became  restless, 
especially  as  they  found  themselves  in  a  difficult  position. 
That  they  had  no  great  love  for  the  rule  of  Kgypt  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  they  never  lost  an  opportunity 
of  rebelling  against  her  king,  but  now  they  began  to 
realize  that  she  was  not  strong  enough  either  to  make 
them  pay  tribute  as  of  old  or  to  protect  them  against 
the  growing  power  of  the  peoples  of  the  Kheta, 
J  D  rJv],  who  had  forced  their  way  towards  the  south 
and  were  threatening  the  independence  of  the  tribes 
of  Northern  Syria.  The  Egyptian  officials,  who 
journeyed  from  place  to  place  throughout  the  country 
and  administered  many  parts  of  it  for  their  master,  also 
found  themselves  in  a  difficult  position,  for  they  soon 
perceived  how  weak  his  rule  was  becoming,  and  that 
they  were  powerless  to  enforce  their  commands.  Be- 
fore many  years  had  passed  nearly  all  the  country  of 
Palestine  and  Syria  was  in  a  state  of  revolt,  for  the 


136 


GROWTH  OF  THE  KHETA  POWER     [B.C.  1430 


great  princes  attacked  each  other,  and  city  after  city 
fell  into  the  hands  of  its  enemies,  the  king's  caravans 
were  openly  plundered  on  their  way  to  Egypt,  the 
mercenary  soldiers  of  the  Shirdana  and  the  Kashi,  who 
were  in  the  service  of  the  Egyptians,  were  slain,  and 
the  vassal  princes  of  Egypt  boldly  made  league  with  the 
Kheta  and  with  the  Khabiri.  The  Kheta,  who  are  no 
doubt  the  people  referred  to  by  the  Assyrians  under  the 
name  of  Khatti,  have  been  identified  with  the  Hittites 
of  Holy  Scripture,  but  on  insufficient  grounds,  and 
similarly  the  Khabiri  have  been  identified  with  the 
Hebrews.    The  first  possessions  which  were  lost  to 

Egypt  were  Simyra,  J  Tchamdre,  Ullaza, 

AAAAAA    f\   r\  WWW 

Ni,  ^  (j  (j  (J^j,  and  Tunip,  ^  _^  Q  >  anc*  Aziru, 
the  son  of  Abd-Ashratum,  the  governor  of  Amurri,  in 
league  with  the  Kheta,  laid  waste  the  whole  of  the 
district  which  was  under  the  rule  of  the  prince  of 
Katna  ;  about  the  same  time  the  country  of  Nukhashshi, 

f)    (j  ^  S  r^^i  Andukasa,  was  captured  by 

the  Kheta  on  their  own  initiative.  The  governors  of 
the  cities  on  the  coast  were  next  attacked,  and  we  find 
that  the  Khabiri  and  the  Kheta  and  their  rebel  allies 

captured  Berut,  JJ  '^^^<~^>  "jj  (]  pX]  Barethd,  and  be- 
sieged Tyre,  and  compelled  the  inhabitants  of  Ascalon, 
and  Gezer,  and  Lachish,  etc.,  either  to  supply  them 
with  provisions,  or  to  attempt  to  murder  their 
governors. 


B.C.  1430]  REVOLTS  IN  PALESTINE 


137 


The  Tell  el-'Amama  letters,  written  from  Palestine 
and  Syria,  all  tell  the  same  story,  and  all  contain 
the  same  piteous  appeals  for  help  from  Egypt; 
they  also  show  that  in  the  majority  of  cases 
their  writers  received  no  answers  to  their  petitions. 
Prominent  for  loyalty  was  Abdi-khiba,  the  governor 
of  Jerusalem,  who  himself  tells  us  that  he  received  his 
appointment  from  the  "  strong  arm  "  of  the  king,  and 
that  since  he  depended  upon  Egypt  as  his  supporter  it 
would  be  impossible  for  him  to  act  disloyally  to  her 
king.  In  the  seven  letters  which  he  sent  to  the  king 
of  Egypt  he  describes  how  the  revolt  is  spreading,  how 
city  after  city  is  throwing  off  its  allegiance  to  the  king, 
how  the  presence  of  a  very  few  Egyptian  troops  would 
save  not  only  his  own  city  but  the  country  round 
about,  how  Egyptian  viceroys  were  being  slain,  and 
how  within  a  year  the  whole  land  would  be  in  the 
possession  of  the  Khabiri  unless  help  from  Egypt 
were  sent.  In  like  manner  Rib- Adda  sent  letter  after 
letter  to  Amen-hetep  IV.  containing  information  of  the 
progress  of  the  disaffection  and  the  rebellion,  and 
though  he  promises  to  keep  his  hold  upon  his  city 
Grebal,  i.e.,  Byblos,  as  long  as  he  has  life,  he  shows 
that  he  knows  how  fruitless  all  his  petitions  and  letters 
will  be.  At  one  time  he  pleads  humbly  for  help,  at 
another  he  taunts  the  king  by  mentioning  the  former 
greatness  of  the  Egyptian  power  in  Syria,  and  at 
another  he  writes  in  despair  because  every  governor 
of  every  city  round  about  him  is  hostile  to  him,  and 


138 


ABI-MILKI  OF  TYRE 


[B.C.  1430 


because  each  month  he  sees  more  clearly  what  the  end 
must  be. 

The  position  of  Abi-Milki,  governor  of  Tyre,  was 
a  serious  one  at  this  time,  for  he  seems  to  have 
been  driven  from  his  abode  on  land  and  to  have 
established  himself  on  the  two  rocks  of  Tyre,  which 
were  some  distance  from  the  city  on  the  mainland. 
The  enemy  had  occupied  the  mainland,  and  had  cut  off 
his  supplies  of  food,  and  water,  and  wood,  with  the 
view  of  starving  him  out,  and  their  ships  also  prevented 
him  from  obtaining  provisions  by  sea ;  it  was  only  with 
the  greatest  difficulty  that  he  was  able  to  despatch  a 
letter  to  the  king.  The  following  rendering  of  one  of 
his  letters  will  illustrate  the  troubles  of  this  long- 
snffering  servant : — "  To  the  king,  my  sun,  my  gods. 
"  Thus  [saith]  Abi-Milki  thy  servant,  I  fall  down  seven 
"times  and  seven  times  at  the  feet  of  my  lord  the 
"  king,  and  I  am  the  dust  beneath  the  sandals  of  my 
"lord  the  king.  Indeed  I  am  keeping  guard  over  the 
"  fortress  of  the  king  which  he  placed  in  my  hands. 
"  My  face  is  set  towards  going  to  see  the  face  of  my 
"  lord  the  king,  but  I  am  unable  to  do  so  because  of 
"the  hand  (i.e.,  action)  of  Zimrida  of  the  city  of 
"  Sidon  j  for  should  he  hear  of  my  departure  to  the 
"  palace  he  will  perforin  acts  of  enmity  unto  me.  Let 
"  the  king  my  lord  give  me  twenty  (?)  men  to  guard 
"  the  fortress  of  the  king  my  lord,  and  then  let  me 
"  come  before  the  king  my  lord,  so  that  I  may  see  his 
"happy  face.     I  have  set  my  face  to  perform  the 


B.C.  1430] 


ABI-MILKI  OF  TYRE 


x39 


"  service  of  the  king  my  lord,  and  let  the  king  my  lord 
"  ask  his  inspector  if  I  had  not  before  set  my  face  [to 
"  go]  into  the  presence  of  the  king  my  lord.  I  have 
"  sent  my  envoy  to  the  kiDg  my  lord  with  his  despatch, 
"  therefore  let  the  king  my  lord  send  his  envoy  to  me 
"  with  his  despatch,  and  I  will  depart  straightway  to 

"the  king  my  lord  Let  the  king  my  lord  turn 

"  his  face  [to  me]  and  give  me  water  to  drink  

"and  wood  for  his  servant  [to  burn]  Let  the 

"  king  my  lord  know  that  we  are  cut  off  from  the  land, 
"  and  that  we  have  neither  water  [to  drink]  nor  wood 
"  [to  burn].  I  have  already  sent  my  envoy  to  the  king 
"my  lord,  and  I  gave  him  five  talents  of  copper,  a 
"wooden  throne  (?),  etc.  The  king  my  lord  wrote  to 
"me,  saying: — 'Acquaint  me  by  letter  with  whatso- 
"  '  ever  news  thou  hearest  in  Canaan,'  [and  I  therefore 
"say],  The  king  of  Danuna  is  dead,  and  his  brother 
"hath  become  king  in  his  room,  and  his  country  is 
"  quiet.  Let  the  king  know  that  fire  broke  out  in  the 
"city  of  Ugarit,  and  that  one-half  of  the  city  hath 
"been  burnt,  but  the  other  half  hath  escaped.  The 
"Khatti  have  disappeared.  Itakama  hath  conquered 
"  the  city  of  Kadesh,  and  Aziru  1  hath  made  enmity 
"with  Namyawiza.  I  know  the  evil  act  which 
."  Zimrida  2  hath  committed  and  how  he  has  gathered 
"together  ships  and  men  from  the  cities  which  are 
"friendly  to  Aziru,  [and  that  they  will  come]  against 

1  The  son  of  Abd-Ashratmn. 

2  Governor  of  Sidon  and  Lachish. 


140  BURRABURIYASH  AND  AMEN-HETEP  IV.   [B.C.  1430 


"  me.  ....  Let  the  king  turn  his  face  to  his  servant, 

"  and  set  ont  to  come  [to  us]." 1 

The  letters  which  were  sent  to  Amen-hetep  IV. 
by  the  independent  kings  of  Western  Asia  also 
prove  that  the  king  was  not  maintaining  with 
them  the  ancient  friendship  in  the  traditional 
manner,  for  Burraburiyash  II.,  king  of  Karaduni- 
yash,  says  in  one  despatch,  "Your  envoys  have 
"come  to  me  three  times,  but  you  have  sent  no  rich 
"  gift ;  therefore  I  have  sent  you  nothing." 2  In 
another  he  says,  "The  caravan  of  my  messenger  whom 
"I  sent  to  you  has  been  twice  plundered  in  your 
"territory,"3  a  statement  which  proves  how  unsafe  the 
country,  presumably  Syria,  was  in  Amen-hetep's  time. 
Elsewhere  the  Babylonian  king  complains  that  his 
merchants  have  been  killed  and  robbed,  and  demands 
satisfaction  from  the  king  of  Egypt ; 4  Tushratta,  king 
of  Mitanni,  also  complains  of  double-dealing  on  the 
part  of  Amen-hetep  IV.,5  and  judging  of  the  case  as  he 
presents  it  to  us  it  would  seem  that  trickery  was 
devised  in  the  city  of  Khut-Aten  as  well  as  in  other 
cities  of  Egypt. 

Opinions  differ  as  to  the  character  of  Amen-hetep  IV, 
but  when  all  is  said  that  can  be  said  on  his  behalf  the 

1  The  text  is  published  in  Bezold-Budge,  Tell  el-Amarna  Tablets, 
p.  64,  and  a  summary  will  be  found  on  page  lxi.  of  the  same  work ; 
another  rendering  will  be  found  in  Winckler's  Die  Thontafeln, 
p.  277. 

a  Bezold-Budge,  op.  cit.,  No.  3.  3  Winckler, 'op.  ext.,  p.  25. 

4  Ibid,  p.  27.  5  Ibid,  p.  57  ff. 


B.C.  1530]     CHARACTER  OF  AMEN-HETEP  IV.  141 

fact  still  remains  that  he  led  a  life  of  pleasure  in 
his  new  city,  surrounded  by  his  wife  and  daughters, 
and  enjoying  to  the  full  the  dances,  and  processions, 
and  feastings,  and  merry-makings  of  every  kind,  whilst 
the  empire  which  his  great  ancestors  had  built  up  with 
such  labour  was  crumbling  away  piecemeal.  That  he 
had  insulted  the  priesthood  of  Amen,  and  put  to  shame 
an  ancient  god  of  Upper  Egypt,  who  was  identified 
with  the  liberation  of  his  country  from  the  Hyksos,  and 
who  was  the  great  god  of  his  ancestors  and  of  most  of 
the  inhabitants  of  his  country,  concerned  him  little  as 
long  as  he  could  act  the  high-priest  to  his  own  god, 
and  declare  that  Aten  was  in  his  heart.  That  he  was 
a  fond  husband  and  father  is  likely  enough,  but  the 
spectacle  of  the  king  spending  his  time  in  heated 
disputes  with  the  priests  of  Amen  on  a  point  of  doctrine, 
and  living  in  luxury  among  artistic  surroundings  of 
every  kind,  whilst  his  empire  was  falling  to  pieces,  and 
his  too  loyal  servant  Abi-Milki  was  sitting  shivering 
with  cold  and  hunger  upon  the  rocks  of  Tyre,  or  writing 
piteous  appeals  for  help  to  protect  his  master's  interests, 
is  not  edifying.  That  such  a  man  ever  sat  upon  the 
throne  of  the  Amenemhats  and  Usertsens  is  a  fine 
example  of  the  irony  of  fate. 

ankh-kheperu,  son  of  the  Sun,  Ra-se-aa-ka-tcheser- 

KHEPERU. 


142 


REIGN  OF  SEAAKA-RA 


[B.C.  1400 


Amen-hetep  IV.  was  succeeded  by  a  king  whose 
name  has  been  read  in  various  ways,  i.e.,  Ea-se-aa-ka, 
Ea-se-aa-ka-kheperu,  Ea-se-iia-ka-nekht-kheperu,  and 
Ea-smenkh-ka-ser-kheperu ;  the  first  of  these  forms, 
Ea-se-aa-ka,  seems  to  be  the  correct  form  of  the  first 
part  of  the  king's  nomen  or  Ea  name,  especially  as  the 
full  form  of  the  nomen  as  given  at  the  head  of  this 
paragraph  is  found  upon  porcelain  rings  at  Tell 
el-'Amarna.  King  Se-aa-ka1-Ra-tcheser-kheperu 
ascended  the  throne  of  Egypt  because  he  married 
Aten- merit,  a  daughter  of  Amen-hetep  IV. ;  of  the 
details  of  his  reign,  which  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  a  long  one,  probably  only  two  or  three  years, 
nothing  is  known.  On  the  wall  of  a  tomb  which  dates 
from  the  time  of  his  father-in-law  he  is  represented  as 
king  and  is  accompanied  by  his  wife  Aten-merit,  and 
from  the  fact  that  Amen-hetep  IV.  also  appears  in  this 
scene  we  may  assume  that  Se-aa-ka-Ea-tcheser-kheperu 
was  made  co-regent  some  time  before  the  king's  death. 
This  successor  of  Amen-hetep  IV.  appears  to  have 
carried  on  the  worship  of  Aten  after  the  death  of  his 
father-in-law,  and  to  have  made  the  city  of  Khut-Aten 
his  capital. 

Ea-kheperu-neb,  sou  of  the  Sun,  Amen-tut-ankh 

HEQ  AN-RESU. 

1  In  some  copies  of  this  king's  cartouches  we  may  read  Se-klierp- 
l;a-Ra,  etc. 


B.C.  1400]         REIGN  OF  TUT-ANKH-AMEN  I43 

Tut-Ankh-Amen  was  the  son  of  Amen-hetep  III. 
by  a  wife  who  was  not  of  royal  rank ;  he  married  a 
daughter  of  Amen-hetep  IV.  called  Ankh-s-en-pa-Aten, 
and  thus  obtained  the  right  of  succession  to  the 
throne  of  Egypt.  He  was  not  a  follower  of  Aten,  as 
his  name  proclaims,  and  it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that 
his  wife  changed  her  name  from  Ankh-s-en-pa-Aten, 
which  she  had  used  during  her  father's  lifetime,  into 
Ankh-s-en-Amen,  thus  proclaiming  her  devotion  to 
Amen-Ea.  He  adopted  many  of  the  titles  of  the  old 
kings  of  Egypt,  i.e.,  "  Mighty  Bull,  the  Horus  of  gold, 
beautiful  god,  lord  of  the  two  lands,"  etc.,  and  also 
called  himself  "Prince  of  Annu  of  the  South"  i.e., 
Hermonthis.  His  nomen  or  Ka  name  has  been 
explained  to  mean  "the  living  image  of  Amen."  The 
chief  event  in  the  life  of  Tut-ankh-Amen  was  his 
removal  of  the  court  from  the  city  of  Khut-Aten  back 
to  Thebes,  where  he  showed  himself  to  be  a  loyal 
servant  of  the  god  Amen,  and  set  to  work  to  repair  or 
rebuild  parts  of  the  great  temples  of  the  god  in  the 
Northern  and  Southern  Apts.  He  caused  a  series  of 
reliefs  illustrating  the  chief  scenes  in  the  procession  of 
the  festival  of  "  Opening  of  the  year,"  i.e.,  New  Year's 
Day,  to  be  sculptured  on  the  walls  of  the  colonnade  of 
the  temple  of  Luxor,  which  had  been  built  by  his 
father,  and  he  carried  on  certain  works  in  the  temple 
of  Karnak;  and  everywhere  possible  he  restored  the 
name  and  figure  of  Amen  which  his  father-in-law  had 
ordered  to  be  cut  out  or  mutilated.    During  his  reign 


144     DECLINE  OF  EGYPT'S  POWER  IN  SYRIA    [B.C.  1400 

the  "royal  son  of  Kush"  was  one  Hui  (j  (j  and 
it  is  probable  that  through  him  Tut-jinkh-Amen 
carried  out  the  repairs  to  the  temple  of  Amen-Ka, 
which  have  been  mentioned  above.1  From  the  tomb 
'of  this  official  at  Kurnet-Murrai  we  learn  that  the 
tribes  of  Kush  brought  tribute  to  the  king,  but  this  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at,  seeing  that  Nubia  was  ruled  by 
a  "  royal  son  of  Kush  "  who  had  not  been  affected  by 
the  heresy  of  the  Disk  worshippers.  The  scenes  on  the 
tomb  represent  the  Nubian  chiefs  bringing  gold  rings, 
gold  dust,  skins  of  animals,  ebony  head-rests,  precious 
stones,  thrones,  couches,  oxen,  etc. ;  elsewhere  are 
pictures  which  are  explained  as  the  bringing  of 
tribute  by  the  chiefs  of  the  people  of  the  Ruthennu,  or 
Syrians.  With  the  evidence  of  the  Tell  el-'Amarna 
tablets  before  us  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the 
northern  Syrians  paid  tribute  to  Tut-ankh-Amen  so 
soon  after  the  collapse  of  the  Egyptian  power  in 
Western  Asia,  therefore  it  is  far  more  likely  that  the 
Syrians  depicted  on  the  walls  of  Hui's  tomb  are  a 
company  of  merchants,  who  have  come  to  barter  with 
the  Egyptians  and  not  to  bring  them  tribute.  We 
must  probably  interpret  many  scenes  of  "  the  bringing 
of  tribute "  in  the  tombs  of  Egypt  in  this  manner. 
Meanwhile,  after  the  departure  of  the  court  from 
Khut-Aten  to  Thebes,  the  capital  of  the  worshippers 
of  the  Disk  declined  rapidly,  for  the  temple  services 
languished,  and  as  there  was  no  one  in  the  palace  to 

1  See  page  143. 


B.C.  1500] 


THE  REIGN  OF  Al 


145 


employ  the  artists  and  sculptors  who  had  flocked  to 
the  city  in  the  reign  of  Amen-hetep  IV.,  all  business 
ceased ;  those  who  settled  there  in  order  to  be  where 
the  court  was  quickly  left  the  place,  and  in  less  than 
twenty-five  years  after  the  death  of  the  founder  of  the 
city  Khut-Aten  was  quite  deserted.  Soon  the  buildings 
began  to  fall  into  ruin,  and  long  before  the  end  of  the 
XVIIIth  Dynasty  there  was  little  left  besides  the 
foundations  to  mark  where  the  city  had  stood.  The 
god  Amen  and  his  priests  had  conquered  Aten,  and 
Egyptian  art  once  again  put  on  its  shackles  of  con- 
ventionality in  obedience  to  their  behests. 


13.  m  (offii^]  ^  (oimmilO 

Ra-rheperu-Maat-ari,  son  of  the  Sun,  Neter-tef 
Ai  neter-heq-Uast. 

Tut-ankh-Amen  was  succeeded  by  Ai, 
who  seems  to  have  held  some  office  in  the 
temple  of  Amen-Ra  at  Thebes,  for  he  added 
to  his  second  cartouche  the  title  "  divine 
father ; "  Ai  was  not  a  man  of  royal 
descent,  but  he  obtained  a  claim  to  the 


TTTT 

s! 


throne  by  marrying  the  lady  Qj  (|  (|  , 

who  was  related  to  the  house  of  Amen- 
of  hetep  IV.,  and  who  is  described  as  " Royal 
wife,  great  lady,  princess,  great  of  favours, 
lady  of  the  two  lands."    Ai,  in  addition  to  his  Horus 

VOL.  IV.  L 


Ka-nekh 
thehent-khau 
the  Horus  name 
Ai. 


146 


THE  REIGN  OF  AI 


[B.C.  1400 


name,  "Mighty  Bull,  of  saffron-coloured  risings," 
adopted  as  his  titles,  "Lord  of  the  shrines  of  Nekhebet 
and  Uatchet,"  "  Power  doubly  strong,  smiter  of  Asia, 
"the  Horus  of  gold,  the  prince  who  keepeth  Maat  (i.e., 
"  the  law),  the  creator  of  the  two  lands,"  and  "  Divine 
governor  of  Thebes."  The  last  mentioned  title  he 
had  placed  in  his  second  cartouche.  According  to 
Brugsch,  Ai  was  the  "  superintendent  of  the  whole 
"  stud  of  Pharaoh,"  and  his  wife  Thi  had  been  nurse  of 
Amen-hetep  IV.,  but  whether  this  be  so  or  not  it  is  quite 
certain  that  both  Ai  and  Thi  were  great  favourites  at 
the  court  of  this  king,  for  they  appear  •in  a  scene  in 
prayer  with  Amen-hetep  and  his  wife,  who  are  elsewhere 
represented  as  bestowing  gifts  upon  them.1  From  this 
it  is  clear  that  Ai  was  a  devotee  of  the  god  Aten,  but 
whether  a  sincere  one  or  not  depends  upon  the  identifi- 
cation with  him  of  the  king  who  built  a  tomb  for  him- 
self in  the  Western  Valley  of  the  Tombs  of  the  Kings. 
The  "  divine  father "  Ai,  who  was  beloved  by  Amen- 
hetep  IV.,  certainly  built  a  tomb,  which  was  never 
finished,  at  Tell  el-'Amarna,  and  a  king  Ai,  who  was 
also  a  "divine  father"  and  had  married  a  wife  called 
Thi,  hewed  out  a  tomb  for  himself  and  his  wife  in  the 
Western  Valley  of  the  Tombs  of  the  Kings,  and  there 
is  every  reason  for  thinking  that  both  tombs  were  built 
by  one  and  the  same  person,  though  at  different  periods 
of  his  life.    The  first  may,  as  M.  Maspero  suggests, 

1  These  scenes  are  in  Ai'stombat  Tell  el-'Amarna;  see  Lepsius, 
Denkmdler,  iii.  pll.  103 ff.,  111. 


148 


THE  TOMB  OF  AI 


[B.C.  1400 


have  been  made  at  the  time  when  Ai  had  no  expectation 
of  becoming  king  of  Egypt,  and  the  second  when 
he  was  actually  the  king  of  Egypt ;  the  second 
tomb  itself  proves  that  the  man  who  made  it  was 
king  of  Egypt.  This  being  so,  there  are  no  good 
grounds  for  not  thinking  that  Ai  the  king  built 
both  tombs.  But  whatever  may  have  been  Ai's  views 
about  the  supremacy  of  Aten  in  the  days  when  he 
worshipped  this  god  at  Khut-Aten  in  company  with 
Amen-hetep  IV.,  it  is  quite  clear  that  they  underwent 
a  very  considerable  modification  when  he  was  about 
to  become  king  of  Egypt,  for  he  adopted  names  and 
titles  in  which  the  god  Aten  is  not  even  mentioned, 
and  he  made  a  tomb  for  himself  and  his  wife  in  the 
Valley  of  the  Tombs  of  the  Kings  near  that  of  Amen- 
hetep  III.,  thereby  showing  that  he  wished  to  be 
buried  near  the  great  kings  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty 
who  had  worshipped  Amen  and  made  Thebes  their 
capital.  In  the  new  tomb  he  placed  a  beautiful,  richly 
sculptured  and  inscribed  red  granite  sarcophagus ;  at 
the  four  corners  are  figures  of  four  goddesses,  i.e.,  Isis, 
Nephthys,  Nit  and  Serqet,  or  Selqet,  with  outspread 
wings,  and  on  the  front  is  the  winged  disk  with  uraei 
and  outspread  wings.  The  tomb  is  not  very  large  when 
compared  with  the  other  royal  tombs  of  the  period.  It 
is  usually  called  the  "  Monkey  Tomb  "  by  the  modern 
Arabs,  because  on  the  walls  are  pictures  of  several  dog- 
headed  apes.  During  the  reign  of  Ai  no  military 
expeditions  were  undertaken,  and  it  is  pretty  certain 
that  nothing  whatever  was  done  to  try  to  regain  Egypt's 


B.C.  1*00]       THE  REIGN  OF  HERU-EM-HEB 


149 


lost  possessions  in  Palestine  and  Syria ;  we  are  there- 
fore justified  in  assuming  that  no  tribute  was  paid  to 
Egypt  by  the  tribes  of  these  countries.  With  Nubia 
the  case  was  different,  for  the  viceroy  Pa-ur,  or  Pa-ser, 

^6  "r°ya*  son  °^  Kush,the  governor  of  the 
south,"  was  living  there,  and  could  make  the  tributary 
tribes  bring  in  their  usual  gifts  to  Egypt.  The  country 
there  was  sufficiently  quiet  to  enable  him  to  build  the 
rock  shrine  at  Addah,  or  Mashakit,  or  Shataui,  near 
Abu  Simbel,  wherein  we  see  Ai  and  a  high  official 
making  offerings  to  Amen,  Ptah,  Ra,  Horus,  Sebek,  and 
the  local  goddesses  Anuqet  and  Satet ;  with  these  are 
also  worshipped  Usertsen  III.,  a  king  of  the  Xllth 
Dynasty  who  effectually  conquered  Nubia. 


14.  M(Wii^]^(il^] 

tcheser-kheperu-setep-en-Ba,  son  of  the  Sun,  Amen- 

f\  MERI  HERU-EM-HEB. 


5^ 


mm 

Ka-nekht-bept- 

sekherc, 
the  Horns  name 
of  Heru-em-heb. 


Heru-em-heb,  the  "Apfiais  of  Manetho, 
succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Egypt  by  right 
of  his  descent  from  the  queen  Mut- 
netchemet,  |  ^         who  appears 

to  have  been  his  mother,  though  some 
think  she  was  his  wife ;  Mut-netchemet 
was  closely  related  to  Amen-hetep  III., 
or  to  his  son  Amen-hetep  IV.  According 
to  one  account  Heru-em-heb  himself 
was  grandson  of  Thothmes  III.,  but  the 


150  GENEALOGY  OF  HERU-EM-HEB       [B.C.  1400 

details  of  his  genealogy  are  not  known.  On  ascend- 
ing the  throne  he  adopted  as  his  Horns  name, 
"  Mighty  Bull,  endowed  with  plans,  or,  counsels," 
and  the  most  frequent  of  his  other  titles  are,  "Lord 
"  of  the  shrines  of  Nekhebet  and  "Hatchet,  mighty 
"one  of  marvels  in  the  Apt,"  "The  Horus  of  gold, 
"resting  upon  Mailt,  making  to  be  the  two  lands," 
"  Mighty  one  of  valour,"  etc.  Of  the  life  of  Heru-em- 
heb  we  gain  some  interesting  information  from  an 
inscription  1  found  on  the  back  of  a  double  statue  which 
is  preserved  in  the  Museum  at  Turin ;  here  we  have 
the  king  and  the  queen  Mut-netchemet,  the  former 
holding  the  symbol  of  life  and  a  sceptre  to  his  breast, 
and  the  latter  wearing  the  headdress  of  a  royal  lady, 
which  was  originally  surmounted  by  plumes.  The  text 
is  full  of  high-sounding  phrases,  and  the  breaks 
at  the  beginning  of  the  first  twenty  lines  make  it 
difficult  at  times  to  form  a  connected  sense,  but  the 
principal  facts  recorded  are  as  follows:— He  was  be- 
gotten by  Amen-Ra,  who  took  upon  himself  the  form  of 
Heru-em-heb's  earthly  father,  just  as  the  god  took  upon 
himself  the  forms  of  the  fathers  of  Hatshepset  and 
Amen-hetep  III.  when  they  were  begotten ;  he  was 

born  in  the  city  of  Het-suten,  ^  Q  ^ ,  the  Alabastron- 

polis  of  the  Greeks,  and  Horus,  the  god  of  the  city, 
took  him  straightway  under  his  protection,  and  be- 
stowed upon  him  all  manner  of  physical  gifts  and 

1  First  published  with  an  English  translation  by  the  late  Dr.  Birch 
in  Trans.  Soc.  Bill.  Arch.,  vol.  iii.  p.  486  If. 


B.C.  1400]    HERU-EM-HEB  ASCENDS  THE  THRONE  151 


mental  powers,  and  clothed  him  in  the  "  skin  of  the  god." 
He  was  held  in  great  honour  by  gentle  and  simple, 
even  as  a  child,  and  every  one  recognized  that  he  was 
the  offspring  of  the  god  and  was  destined  to  occupy  a 
most  exalted  position  in  Egypt.  In  due  time  the  god 
Horus  brought  him  before  the  king  in  the  palace, 


and  he  was  at  once  made 


Be-her,     ^    ^  ( ,  or  governor  of  the  country.  Later 

he  became  the  Aten,  (j  <=^3  ^  ,  or  "  deputy"  of  the 

king  in  the  two  lands,  a  position  which  he  occupied 
with  great  success  for  many  years  ;  the  nobles  of  Egypt 
rendered  homage  to  him,  and  "  the  chiefs  of  the  foreign 
"nations  of  the  south  and  of  the  north  stretched  out 
"  their  hands  towards  him,  and  made  supplication  to  his 
"  face  as  unto  a  god."  At  length  Horus  of  Het-Suten 
wished  to  establish  his  son  upon  his  everlasting  throne, 
and  arranged  that  Heru-em-heb  should  go  to  Thebes  and 
appear  before  Amen,  in  order  that  this  great  god  might 
seat  him  upon  the  throne  of  Egypt.  Horus  himself 
took  him  to  Thebes,  and  their  journey  through  the 
country  was  hailed  with  delight  by  all  men.  When 
Heru-em-heb  arrived  in  Thebes  he  went  to  the  temple 
of  Amen,  and  was  received  joyfully  by  the  god,  who  led 
the  young  man  to  his  mother  Mut-netchemet,  and  she 
embraced  him,  and  apparently  resigned  then  and  there 
on  his  behalf  all  her  claims  to  the  throne  of  Egypt ;  on 
this  Nekhebet,  Uatchet,  Nit,  Isis,  Nephthys,  Horus, 


152  HERU-EM-HEB  RESTORES  THE  TEMPLES  [B.C.  1400 


Set,  and  all  the  company  of  the  gods  raised  a  shout  of 
joy.  After  an  interval  Amen  led  his  son  into  the  large 
hall  of  the  temple,  in  order  to  "stablish  his  crown  upon 
his  head,"  and  the  gods  saluted  him  and  besought  the 
king  of  the  gods  to  bestow  upon  the  new  king  the  years 
of  a  long  life  and  thirty-year  festivals,  and  to  give  him 
the  power  to  augment  the  worship  which  was  paid  to 

the  gods  in  Thebes,  Heliopolis,  and  Memphis, 


U 
 □ 


Iiet-Ptah-ka.  Thereupon  the  names  and  titles  of  the 
new  king  were  decided  upon,  and  the  remainder  of  the 
coronation  ceremony  was  duly  performed.  The  coro- 
nation over,  Heru-em-heb  appears  to  have  left  Thebes 
and  to  have  sailed  down  the  river  "  in  the  form  of  the 
"  god  Harmachis,  having  taken  possession  of  the  country 
"  according  to  the  decree  which  had  been  passed  con- 
"  cerning  him  from  the  time  of  Ka."  Next  he  "  restored 
"  (or  rebuilt)  the  temples  of  the  gods  from  the  region  of 

"  the  papyrus  swamps  in  the  Delta,  ^)c=f^3  j[ ]|  ® ' 

"  to  the  land  of  Ta-kenset  in  Nubia,  and  he  caused  to  be 

"  sculptured  images  of  the  gods,  ^  "        !,  which  were 

"  larger  and  more  beautiful  than  any  that  had  ever 
"  been  made  before.  The  Sun-god  Ea  rejoiced  to  see 
"  his  shrines  which  had  been  desolate  for  a  long  time 
"  made  to  flourish  again,  and  where  formerly  there  had 
"  been  one  statue  there  were  now  a  hundred."  Having 
restored  the  buildings  and  set  up  the  figures  of  the  gods 
in  them,  he  bestowed  upon  the  temples  lands  and  goods, 


B.C.  1400]     AND  MAKES  FRIENDS  OF  THE  PRIESTS  153 

and  appointed  priests  to  minister  in  them,  and  servants 
to  keep  them  clean,  and  lie  provided  for  their  main- 
tenance in  perpetuity. 

The  above  summary  will  show  what  are  the  general 
contents  of  the  inscription  on  the  statue  at  Turin,  and 
it  will  be  seen  that  it  teaches  us  nothing  about  the 
events  of  the  king's  reign;  in  fact,  all  that  it  really 
tells  us  is  that  Heru-em-heb  was  descended  from  a 
family  of  worshippers  of  Amen,  that  he  obtained  the 
throne  through  the  influence  of  the  priests  of  Amen, 
who  worked  upon  the  queen  Mut-netchemet,  and  made 
her  to  resign  her  rights  to  the  throne  on  behalf  of  their 
nominee,  and  that  the  king  performed  during  his  reign 
the  promises  which  he  had  made  to  support  the 
authority  of  Amen,  and  to  carry  out  the  commands  ot 
the  god  as  interpreted  by  his  priests.  The  titles  which 
the  king  assumed  indicate  that  he  was  a  man  of  some 
learning  and  wisdom,  and  unless  the  words  of  the 
earlier  part  of  the  inscription  are  not  true,  he  must 
have  been  a  tactful  as  well  as  a  just  man ;  to  please 
the  nobles  of  Egypt  as  well  as  the  priests  of  Amen 
must  have  been  by  no  means  an  easy  task.  Some- 
interesting  light  is  thrown  upon  the  reign  of  Heru- 
em-heb  by  a  stele,  about  sixteen  feet  high,  which  was 
discovered  by  M.  Maspero  in  1882, 1  when  conduct- 
ing excavations  on  the  site  of  the  pylon  built  by 

1  See  Aeg.  Zeitschrift,  1882,  p.  134;  Bouriant,  Eecueil,  torn.  vi. 
pp.  41-56,  where  a  copy  of  the  text  will  be  found;  and  Aeg.  Zeit- 
schrift, 1888,  pp.  70-94,  where  a  number  of  difficult  passages  in  it 
have  been  explained  by  Miiller. 


154  REFORMS  OF  HERU-EM-HEB         [B.C.  1400 

Heru-em-heb  at  Karnak.  The  inscription  upon  it  is 
unfortunately  much  mutilated,  and  large  gaps  occur  in 
it,  but  enough  of  it  is  legible  to  show  that  it  contains 
copies  of  the  decrees  passed  by  the  king  in  council  with 
his  ministers  for  the  suppression  of  frauds  and  crimes 
of  various  kinds.  The  king,  it  is  said,  watched  both 
by  day  and  by  night  to  do  good  to  Egypt,  and  he 
intended  to  put  down  with  a  strong  hand  the  shameful 
irregularities  which  had  grown  up  in  connexion  with 
the  collection  of  taxes,  etc.  Then  follows  a  list  of  the 
offences  which  had  been  brought  before  the  notice  of 
the  king  personally,  and  it  seems  that  he  punished  the 
delinquents  in  the  same  manner  in  which  Thothmes  III. 
had  punished  men  who  were  proved  to  have  committed 
similar  offences.  We  see  that  the  tax-collectors  seized, 
in  the  name  of  the  king,  whatsoever  they  pleased, 
declaring  that  they  needed  it  for  the  execution  of  their 
duty,  and  having  once  taken  the  property  of  the  poor 
in  this  way  they  refused  to  give  it  up  again.  The 
collectors  were  accompanied  by  scribes,  who  made  false 
entries  in  the  government  registers,  and  both  classes  of 
officials  expected  to  gain  on  every  transaction  which 
they  carried  out  for  their  master.  When  a  local  Wali 
of  the  day  moved  from  one  place  to  another,  his 
servants  seized,  in  the  name  of  the  government,  the 
boats  and  beasts  of  burden  belonging  to  any  one  who 
had  such  things,  and  made  use  of  them  without 
payment.  What  goes  on  to  this  day  in  Turkey  went 
on  then  in  Egypt,  and  the  poor  were  plundered  on  all 


B.C.  1400]  HIS  COURTS  OF  JUSTICE  155 

hands ;  on  the  slightest  provocation  the  tax-collectors 
would  swear  that  those  who  had  paid  taxes  had  not 
paid  them,  and  the  amount  of  the  rate  levied  on  the 
people  often  depended  on  the  good  will  or  good  nature 
of  the  collector.  Heru-em-heb  found  that  it  was 
useless  to  appoint  inspectors,  because  they  frequently 
became  corrupted,  and  in  turn  they  corrupted  other 
officials  who  had  the  power  to  bring  them  to  book ;  as 
a  result  the  king  was  robbed,  and  many  of  the  people 
were  brought  to  beggary.  The  decrees  of  Heru-em-heb 
were  humane  and  just ;  among  others  he  ordered  that 
the  tools  or  means  by  which  a  man  earned  his  living 
were  not  to  be  confiscated  if  he  could  not  pay  his  taxes  ; 
some  slight  offences  he  punished  by  beating,  but  an 
offender  who  committed  an  act  of  glaring  injustice  and 
cruelty  was  punished  by  having  his  nose  split  and  by 
banishment  to  Tchar,  I  JE^  1  '  ,  i.e.,  a  district 
near  the  Sirbonian  Lake  of  classical  writers,  and  a 
notorious  criminal  settlement.  On  stated  days  Heru- 
em-heb  sat  in  his  palace  to  hear  complaints  and 
petitions,  to  adjust  differences,  and  to  pass  sentence  on 
those  who  had  been  charged  in  his  court  and  found 
guilty ;  and  if  the  exercise  of  his  powers  in  these 
respects  was  guided  by  a  knowledge  of  human  nature 
we  may  well  believe  that  he  did  a  vast  amount  of  good. 
Many  Eastern  rulers  have  established  courts  of  justice 
on  this  pattern,  but  they  have  usually  degenerated  into 
courts  of  injustice  on  the  deaths  of  their  founders,  and 
done  more  harm  than  good. 


I56  RESTORATION  OF  THE  TEMPLES     [B.C.  1400 

We  have  already  seen  that  Heru-em-heb  ascended 
the  throne  through  the  influence  of  the  priests  of  Amen, 
and  it  is  time  to  refer  to  the  great  works  which  he 
did  in  honour  of  that  god.  His  first  act  seems  to 
have  been  to  pull  down  the  Het-Benben  which 
Amen-hetep  IV.,  the  misguided  heretic,  had  set  up  in 
the  very  midst  of  the  buildings  of  the  temple  of  Amen, 
in  honour  of  the  god  Harmachis,  in  order  to  proclaim 
that  he  was  a  high  priest  of  this  rival  of  Amen,  and  to 
insult  the  priests  and  people  of  Thebes.  Heru-em-heb 
destroyed  this  edifice  with  great  thoroughness,  and 
used  up  the  stones  of  which  it  was  built  for  the  founda- 
tions of  the  two  pylons,  which  he  erected  at  the  south 
end  of  the  great  temple  of  Amen-Ka  at  Karnak.  To 
carry  on  his  building  operations  here  and  elsewhere1  he 
worked  the  quarries  of  Silsila,  and  on  the  walls  of  the 
small  temple  which  he  hewed  in  the  mountain  there  he 
caused  to  be  painted  scenes  illustrating  the  principal 
events  which  took  place  during  the  expedition  which 
he  led  into  Nubia.  This  temple  is  entered  by  five 
doorways,  and  consists  of  a  long,  narrow,  vaulted 
chamber,  with  an  opening  immediately  opposite  the 
middle  doorway  leading  into  a  smaller  room,  which 
probably  formed  the  sanctuary.  On  the  wall  at  the 
southern  end  of  the  larger  chamber  is  a  relief  in  which 
the  king  is  depicted  seated  on  a  throne  borne  by  twelve 
soldiers  wearing  feathers,  and  he  is  followed  by  rows  of 

1  For  a  list  of  his  buildings  and  restorations  see  Wiedemann, 
Aeg.  Geschichte,  p.  410. 


B.C.  1400]  EXPEDITION  INTO  SYRIA  157 

Nubian  princes  bearing  tribute,  or  gifts.  This  little 
temple  was  hewn  by  the  king  to  commemorate  his 
victory  over  the  Nubians,  and  its  walls  formed  excellent 
surfaces  whereon  kings  and  officials  under  the  XlXth 
Dynasty  loved  to  sculpture  scenes  illustrating  their 
devotion  to  the  gods,  and  to  inscribe  records  of  their 
prowess.  Judging  from  the  fragmentary  lists  of  names 
and  inscriptions  on  one  of  the  walls  of  the  temple  of 
Amen  at  Karnak,  it  seems  that  Heru-em-heb  undertook 
in  person,  or  sent,  an  expedition  into  Palestine  and 
Syria  with  the  view  of  compelling  the  former  vassal 
nations  and  tribes  to  pay  tribute  to  him  as  they  had 
done  to  his  predecessors,  and  he  claims  to  have  made 
them  do  so.  In  the  lists  of  the  countries  which  he 
declares  he  has  conquered  we  meet  the  names  of 
Alashiya  (Cyprus  ?)  and  Kheta,  and  those  of  cities  in 
Northern  Syria,  but  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the 
peoples  there  either  acknowledged  his  sovereignty  or 
paid  him  much  tribute.  The  want  of  ships  belonging 
entirely  to  Egypt  would  prevent  him  from  landing  an 
army  in  Cyprus,  and  any  expedition  which  he  made  to 
that  island  must  have  concerned  merchandise  rather 
than  conquest.  The  power  of  the  peoples  who  formed 
the  Kheta  confederacy  precludes  any  idea  that  they 
submitted  to  him,  for  during  the  years  which  had 
elapsed  since  they  broke  Egypt's  power  in  Northern 
Syria  they  had  made  themselves  masters  of  that 
country.  Still,  the  Egyptians  had  become  accustomed 
to  objects  of  Syrian  merchandise,  and  any  gift  made  to 


158 


EXPEDITION  TO  PUNT 


[B.C.  1*00 


the  Egyptian  king,  or  even  any  bartering  which  was 
distinctly  advantageous  to  him,  was  termed  "  tribute'' 
by  the  court  scribes,  who  had  to  draw  up  the  descrip- 
tions of  his  expedition  and  the  list  of  " conquered" 
cities,  which  were  to  be  inscribed  on  the  walls  of  the 
temple  of  Amen  at  Karnak. 

Heru-em-heb  sent  ships  to  Punt  to  bring  back  loads 
of  gum,  and  of  other  products  of  that  country,  and  the 
people  would  also  regard  as  "tribute"  the  results  of  these 
mercantile  expeditions.  Records  of  this  kind,  however, 
prove  that  Egypt  was  beginning  to  feel  the  desire  to 
regain  her  former  possessions,  and  that  she  possessed  a 
ruler  who  wished  to  give  effect  to  this  desire.  Before 
Heru-em-heb  ascended  the  throne  he  seems  to  have 
begun  to  build  a  tomb  at  Sakkara,  and  from  the 
inscriptions  upon  its  walls  we  learn  that  he  was  a 
ha  prince,  and  a  smer,  and  that  the  offices  which  he 
held  at  court  were  those  of  fan-bearer  and  royal  scribe, 
and  commander-in-chief  of  the  soldiers.  It  has  been 
thought  that  this  tomb  was  built  for  one  Heru-em-heb 
who  is  not  to  be  identified  with  the  man  who  became 
king  of  Egypt,  but  there  are  many  reasons  for  consider- 
ing this  view  untenable.  The  inscriptions  on  the 
statues  at  Turin  prove  that  the  king  was  of  noble 
though  not  necessarily  royal,  rank  and  birth,  and 
indicate  that  he  was  held  in  high  honour  because  of  it. 
Unfortunately,  they  do  not  say  what  king  it  was  who 
promoted  him  to  the  government  of  the  country,  but  it 
may  well  have  been  Tut-ankh-Amen,  who  was  glad  to 


B.C.  1400] 


TOMB  OF  HERU-EM-HEB 


159 


find  a  capable  man  and  soldier  to  set  over  the  country 
of  the  North.  The  official  who  built  the  tomb  at 
Sakkara  is  represented  with  the  uraeus  on  the  fore- 
head ;  this  proves  that  he  was  connected  with  the  royal 
family  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  and  agrees  very  well 
with  the  inscription  at  Der  al-Bahari,  which  says  that 
king  Heru-em-heb's  grandfather  was  Thothmes  III. 
Viewed  in  this  light,  the  inscriptions  on  the  walls  of 
the  temple  of  Amen,  describing  conquests  in  Syria,  may 
be  interpreted  in  another  way,  for  they  may  refer  to 
events  which  took  place  during  expeditions  conducted 
when  the  king  was  a  young  man,  i.e.,  about  the  time 
when  Tut-ankh-Amen  was  reigning.  At  any  rate,  it  is 
much  more  likely  for  the  high  official  of  Memphis  to 
have  been  the  nominee  of  the  priests  of  Amen  than  a 
comparatively  unknown  man,  and  for  the  queen 
Mut-netchemet  to  have  resigned  her  claims  to  the 
throne  in  favour  of  a  relative  of  the  old  royal  house, 
than  of  a  stranger.  The  length  of  the  reign  of  Heru- 
em-heb  is  unknown,  but  according  to  an  inscription 
published  by  the  late  Dr.  Birch  he  reigned  twenty-one 
years.1 

1  Inscriptions  in  the  Hieratic  and  Demotic  Character,  pi.  14. 


(    i6o  ) 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  EIGHTEENTH  DYNASTY. — SUMMARY. 

The  kings  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  were  undoubtedly 
the  greatest  who  ever  occupied  the  throne  of  Egypt, 
and  their  rule  marks  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  Egypt. 
With  the  advent  to  the  throne  of  the  early  kings  of 
this  dynasty  Egypt  began  her  career  of  foreign  con- 
quest, culminating  in  the  formation  of  an  empire  which 
covered  the  greater  part  of  Western  Asia,  and  which 
lasted  in  a  more  or  less  flourishing  condition  for  a 
period  of  nearly  three  hundred  years.  Aahmes  I. 
completed  the  expulsion  of  the  Hyksos,  which  was 
begun  by  Seqenen-Ra  III.,  and  pursued  them  into 
Palestine  and  captured  their  stronghold  Sharuhen ; 
his  son  Amen-hetep  I.  was  occupied  in  extending  the 
southern  rather  than  the  northern  frontier  of  the 
kingdom,  but  his  successor  Thothmes  I.  conceived  and 
began  to  carry  into  execution  the  conquest  of  the 
whole  of  Palestine  and  Syria,  and  actually  succeeded 
in  reaching  the  city  of  Ni,  which  was  probably  situated 
near  the  Euphrates,  and  set  up  a  memorial  tablet 


DECLINE  OF  THE  POWER  OF  EGYPT  l6l 


there.  His  conquests  were,  however,  not  permanent, 
and  the  consolidation  of  the  Egyptian  power  in 
Western  Asia  did  not  take  place  until  the  reign  of 
Thothmes  III.  Under  Amen-hetep  II.  and  his  son 
Amen-hetep  III.  Egypt  attained  the  zenith  of  her 
power,  and  the  greatest  height  of  her  prosperity,  for 
during  the  greater  part  of  the  reign  of  the  later  monarch 
the  authority  of  the  king  of  Egypt  was  undisputed 
from  the  Fourth  Cataract  on  the  Nile  in  the  south  to 
the  mountains  of  Armenia  in  the  north.  But  this  vast 
empire  was  not  held  together  by  any  internal  power  of 
its  own,  and  its  continued  existence  depended  entirely 
upon  the  energy  and  personality  of  the  reigning 
Pharaoh. 

As  soon  as  Amen-hetep  III.  became  old  and 
feeble  the  signs  of  decay  of  empire  began  to  appear, 
and  the  whole  imperial  edifice  temporarily  collapsed  in 
the  reign  of  his  successor  Amen-hetep  IV.,  who  is 
better  known  perhaps  as  "  Khu-en-Aten,"  the  "  Disk- 
worshipper."  Whilst  this  weak  and  incapable  monarch 
was  engaged  in  the  congenial  occupations  of  disputing 
with  the  theologians  at  Thebes,  and  in  subverting  the 
historic  canons  of  Egyptian  art,  the  empire  of  Western 
Asia,  which  had  been  built  up  by  his  mighty  ancestors, 
slipped  from  his  grasp,  and  was  not  restored  to  Egypt 
until  the  reign  of  Seti  I.,  about  fifty  years  later.  The 
frontiers  of  Egypt  on  the  south  were  also  extended  by 
the  early  kings  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  especially  by 
Amen-hetep  I. ;  in  the  reign  of  Amen-hetep  II.  the 

VOL.  IV.  M 


l62  THE  "  ROYAL  PRINCE  OF  CUSH  " 

further  submission  of  the  Nubian  tribes  was  brought 
about,  and  under  Amen-hetep  III.  the  whole  of  Nubia 
was  effectively  occupied,  the  Egyptian  frontier  having 
been  pushed  as  far  south  as  the  city  of  Napata,  or 
Gebel  Barkal,  at  the  foot  of  the  Fourth  Cataract. 
Here  the  frontier  remained  until  the  secession  of  the 
Nubian  kingdom  from  Egypt  under  the  rule  of  the 
princes  of  the  house  of  Piankhi,  some  five  or  six 
hundred  years  later.  The  administration  of  Nubia 
was  organized  in  the  reign  of  Thothmes  I.,  when  a 
viceroy  was  appointed,  whose  official  title,  "Boyal  prince 
of  Kesh  "  (Cush),  appears  for  the  first  time  in  Egyptian 
history ;  at  first  the  person  selected  to  fill  this  post 
was  a  great  noble  or  trusted  military  officer,  but 
later  the  office  became  an  appanage  of  one  of  the  royal 
princes,  who  was,  no  doubt,  usually  an  absentee. 

The  administration  of  Western  Asia  was  a  more 
serious  matter,  and  could  not  be  so  easily  provided  for. 
Palestine  and  Syria  were  inhabited  by  a  number  of 
tribes  which  were  usually  at  war  with  each  other,  but 
the  people  were  not  barbarians  like  the  Nubians,  for 
they  were  nearly  as  civilized  as  the  Egyptians  them- 
selves, having  for  centuries  been  included  in  the  sphere 
of  influence  of  the  ancient  culture  of  Babylonia,  which 
may  well  be  older  than  that  of  Egypt  itself.  The 
language  and  writing  of  Babylonia  had  been  long  used 
throughout  the  country,  and  remained  the  medium  of 
communication  between  all  the  nations  on  the  eastern 
shores  of  the  Mediterranean,    When  Syria  and  Pales- 


CUNEIFORM  WRITING  IN  SYRIA  163 

tine  were  actually  under  the  rule  of  Egypt,  and  paid 
tribute  to  the  Egyptians,  the  Babylonian  language  was 
the  official  speech  of  the  country,  and  was  used  by  the 
Egyptian  conquerors  in  corresponding  with  their 
subjects  as  well  as  with  the  non-Semitic  princes  of 
Cyprus,  Cilicia,  and  Armenia,  who  made  Babylonian 
the  language  of  diplomacy.  The  coast  of  Palestine 
was  already  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  inhabited  by  the 
famous  race  of  the  Phoenicians,  who  had  at  that  time 
attained  the  position  of  merchants,  and  carriers  by  sea, 
which  they  always  afterwards  retained.  Many  passages 
in  the  Tell  el-'Amarna  tablets  show  us  that  in  the 
XVth  century  B.C.  they  already  possessed  fleets  of 
merchant  ships,  and  we  know  from  a  fresco  in  a  Theban 
tomb  1  that  the  importers  of  objects  of  curiosity  and 
value  from  the  northern  countries  into  Egypt  were 
Phoenicians.  This  nation  also  used  the  cuneiform 
writing  at  this  period,  for  the  Phoenician  script  as  we 
find  it  on  the  cup  of  Hiram  I.2  had  not  yet  been  developed 
by  them.  They  were  brought  under  the  control  of  the 
Egyptians  by  Thothmes  III.,  and  during  the  revolt  of 
the  Canaanitish  tribes  in  the  reign  of  Amen-hetep  IV. 
they  proved  themselves  to  be  the  most  faithful  of 
all  the  Asiatic  subjects  of  Egypt.  The  Egyptians 
administered  their  Asiatic  possessions  chiefly  by  making- 
use  of  the  local  chiefs,  who  were  no  doubt  subsidized, 
and  who  ruled  their  tribes  as  the  representatives  of 

1  Daressy,  Revue  Arch.,  S^vae  s£rM  1895,  vol.  xxvii  p.  286. 

2  Corpus  Inscrip.  Semit.,  torn.  i.  pi.  iv. 


164 


THE  BABYLONIANS  AND  KASSITES 


the  Egyptian  Government  to  which  they  had  to  send 
back  tribute.  To  the  courts  of  the  more  important 
chiefs  Egyptian  residents  were  appointed,  much  in  the 
same  way  as  British  officials  are  appointed  to  reside  at 
the  courts  of  Indian  Kajahs.  Besides  these,  travelling 
commissioners1  were  despatched  from  time  to  time 
from  Egypt  to  investigate  matters  and  to  adjust 
differences  between  the  various  tribes,  and  high 
Egyptian  officials  were  often  temporarily  appointed 
governors  of  some  disaffected  region. 

The  well-being  and  fortunes  of  the  Egyptian  Empire 
in  Western  Asia  were  greatly  affected  by  the  presence  on 
its  frontiers  of  a  series  of  powerful  and  highly  civilized 
kingdoms,  e.g.,  Karaduniyash,  or  Babylonia,  Mitanni, 
i.e.,  the  classical  Matiene,  or  Southern  Armenia,  Kheta, 
or  the  Khatti  of  the  Assyrians,  Arsapi,  or  Cilicia, 
and  Alashiya,  or  Cyprus.  At  this  time  Babylonia  was 
under  the  rule  of  a  dynasty2  of  foreign  kings  who 
belonged  to  an  eastern  race  of  uncertain  origin,  known 
to  us  as  "Kassites."  This  dynasty  was  founded  about 
B.C.  1725  by  a  king  called  Gandish,  and  its  kings,  who 
were  contemporaneous  with  the  XYIIIth  and  XlXth 
Dynasties,  will  be  found  in  the  note  below.  Of  these 
monarchs  Kara-indash  was  a  contemporary  of  Thothmes 

1  Compare  the  positions  of  Yankhamu  and  others  whose  existence 
is  made  known  to  us  by  the  Tell  el-'Amarna  tablets. 

-  I.e.,  Agum  (b.c.  1600),  Kara-indash,  Kadashman-Bel,  Kadash- 
man-Harbe,  Kurigalzu  I.,  Burraburiyash,  Kara-IIardash,  Nazibu- 
gasb,  Kurigalzu  II.,  Nazimaruttash,  Kadashman-Turgu,  and 
Shagashalti-buriyash  (about  B.C.  1300). 


RELATIONS  OF  EGYPT  WITH  BABYLONIA  165 

III.,  and  was  no  doubt  the  first  Babylonian  king  to 
enter  into  direct  relations  with  Egypt.  Karaduniyash, 
i.e.,  the  name  given  to  Babylonia  by  the  Kassites,  was 
at  once  recognized  as  a  monarchy  possessing  a  civili- 
zation as  advanced  as  its  own,  and  the  sister  and 
daughter  of  Kadashman-Bel,  or  as  the  name  has  been 
commonly  read,  Kallimma-Sin,  were  given  in  marriage 
to  Amen-hetep  III.  The  intimate  relations  which 
existed  between  the  royal  houses  of  Egypt  and  Baby- 
lonia will  be  found  described  in  the  chapter  on  the 
Tell  el-'Amarna  tablets.  Amen-hetep  III.  and  Amen- 
hetep  IV.  married  respectively  Gilukhipa  and  Tatum- 
khipa,  the  sister  and  daughter  of  Tushratta,  the  king 
of  Mitanni,  the  rival  power  of  Karaduniyash.  The 
immediate  predecessors  of  Tushratta  on  the  throne  of 
Mitanni  were  Artashumara  and  Artatama,  who  had 
entered  into  very  friendly  relations  with  Egypt.  It 
must  not  be  forgotten  that  Thi,  the  chief  wife  of 
Amen-hetep  III.,  and  mother  of  Amen-hetep  IV.,  was 
of  Mitannian  origin,  and  thus  it  is  possible  that  the 
Aten  worship  was  modified  by  the  influence  of  the 
Mitannian  religion.  The  people  of  Mitanni  spoke  a 
non-Semitic  language,  but  they  adopted  the  Babylonian 
system  of  writing  to  express  it ;  it  has  not  as  yet  been 
satisfactorily  deciphered. 

Situated  between  the  rival  kingdoms  of  Babylonia 
and  Mitanni  was  the  territory  which  as  early  as 
B.C.  2100  was  known  by  the  name  of  Ashur,  i.e., 
Assyria.     This  district  had  always  been  under  the 


l66  END  OF  THE  KINGDOM  OF  MITANNI 

direct  influence  of  Babylonia,  and  had  been  generally 
ruled  by  the  monarchs  of  that  country.  During 
the  period  of  the  rule  of  the  Hyksos  in  Egypt 
a  Semitic  prince  called  Ishmi-Dagan  ruled  in  a  semi- 
independent  fashion  over  Assyria,  and  in  the  time  of 
Kara-indash,  king  of  Babylonia,  Ashur-bel-nishi-shu, 
the  king  of  Assyria,  was  recognized  as  an  independent 
monarch  by  the  Kassites,  who  were  compelled  to  agree 
to  a  treaty  in  which  the  boundaries  of  the  two  kingdoms 
were  defined.  At  the  same  period,  however,  the 
kingdom  of  Assyria  was  regarded  by  the  Egyptians  as 
a  tributary  nation,  a  position  which  was  never  assigned 
to  the  kingdoms  of  Karaduniyash  and  Mitanni,  and  it 
remained  tributary  until  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Amen- 
hetep  III.,  when,  simultaneously  with  the  revolt  of  the 
Syrian  tribes  against  Egypt,  Ashur-uballit,  king  of 
Assyria,  not  only  threw  off  the  Egyptian  yoke,  but  at 
the  same  time  attacked  Babylonia,  with  the  result  that 
he  ultimately  obtained  sufficient  power  to  set  a  king 
— Kuri-galzu  II. — upon  the  throne  of  Babylonia. 
Henceforth  for  some  hundreds  of  years  the  Assyrian 
power  eclipsed  that  of  Babylonia.  The  kingdom  of 
Mitanni  seems  to  have  collapsed  soon  after  the  reign  of 
Tushratta,  and  the  country  was  divided  between  the 
Assyrians  and  the  powerful  race  of  the  Kheta,  who 
must  now  be  mentioned.  The  Egyptians  first  came  in 
conflict  with  the  Kheta  in  the  reign  of  Thothmes  III. ; 
they  seem  to  have  been  originally  a  mountain  race 
of  Armenian  origin,  and  their  home  was  probably 


RISE  OF  THE  KHETA  POWER 


167 


the  high  lands  of  Cappadocia.  During  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty  their  power  increased  towards  the  south,  until 
in  the  time  of  Ainen-hetep  IV.  we  find  them  occupying 
the  whole  of  the  country  round  about  Aleppo  and 
Emesa.  They  were  extremely  warlike  and  no  longer 
paid  tribute  to  Egypt,  indeed  they  were  greatly  feared 
by  Babylonians,  Mitannians,  and  Egyptians  alike ;  the 
disturbances  in  Syria  and  Palestine  at  this  period 
were  chiefly  due  to  their  interference  in  the  affairs  of 
these  countries.  The  kingdom  of  Khanigalbat,  which 
is  mentioned  in  the  Tell  el-'Aniarna  letters,  must  be 
placed  in  or  near  the  territory  of  the  Kheta. 

The  position  of  the  land  of  Arsapi  can  be  fixed 
with  certainty,  and  it  represents  the  later  Cilicia ; 
its  language,  at  present  undecipherable,  is  written  in 
cuneiform  characters,  and  judging  from  the  name  of 
the  king  Tarhunclaraush  it  must  have  belonged  to  the 
non-Semitic  and    non-Aryan  speech  of  Asia  Minor.1 

The  country  of  Alasa,  (j  ^jj         ^     r^^i ,  or  Alashiya, 

with  which  the  Egyptians  at  the  end  of  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty  were  in  constant  communication,  must,  it 
seems,  be  placed  in  Cyprus,  of  which  it  was  probably 
a  part,  and  in  this  island  must  also  be  placed  the  land 

of  Asi,  (j  r^^i ,  which  Thothmes  III.  rendered 

tributary.    The  Egyptian  name  for  the  whole  island 

1  See  Kretschmer,  Einleitang,  p.  370  ff . ;  Hall,  Oldest  Civilization, 

p.  90  er. 


i68 


CYPRUS  AND  THE  KEFTIU 


is  Inthanai,         ~jj  (j  ^  (j  (j        ,1  which  is  probably 

the  hieroglyphic  equivalent  of  Yatnana,  the  Assyrian 
name  for  Cyprus.  The  Egyptians  imported  from 
Alashiya  large  quantities  of  copper  and  precious  woods, 
which  seem  to  have  come  from  the  forests  of  Troodos. 

The  extension  of  the  Egyptian  Empire  to  the  borders 
of  Asia  Minor,  and  the  partial  subjugation  of  the  Island 
of  Cyprus,  brought  the  Egyptians  more  or  less  into 
contact  with  the  nations  of  Western  Asia,  Asia  Minor, 
Crete,  etc. ;  the  generic  name  of  the  lands  wherein 


these  nations  dwelt  is,  in  Egyptian,  Kefti,  r^^i  , 

or  Kefthu,         "jj  ^  r^^i ,  a  term  which,  according 

to  Brugsch,  means  nothing  more  nor  less  than  "  Hinter- 
land." The  old  theory  which  regarded  the  Keftiu 
as  Phoenicians  must,  therefore,  be  abandoned.  The 
nations  of  the  Keftiu  were  at  the  time  of  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty  included  within  the  sphere  of  influence  of  the 
early  European  civilization  which  is  called  "My- 
cenaean/' the  chief  seat  of  which  appears  to  have  been 
in  the  Island  of  Crete.2  Ambassadors  from  a  nation 
of  Kefti  were  received  at  the  court  of  Thothmes  III., 
and  representations  of  them  and  of  the  gifts  which 
they  brought  with  them  are  depicted  in  the  tombs 
of  Rekh-ma-Ra,3  and  Men-kheper-Ra-senb,  two  great 

1  This  identification  is  due  to  Mr.  Hall ;  see  op.  cit.y  p.  163. 

2  Evans,  Cretan  Picto graphs  (passim) ;  and  Annual,  British  School 
at  Athens,  vol.  vi.  (passim). 

3  Prisse  d'Avennes,  Hist,  de  VArt,  torn.  ii.  ;  Midler,  Asien  und 
Europa,  pp.  348,  319. 


THE  NATIONS  OF  THE  KEFTIU  l6g 

officials  who  flourished  at  Thebes  during  his  reign. 
The  dresses  worn  by  the  ambassadors  are  similar  to 
those  of  the  Mycenaeans  depicted  on  the  walls  of  the 
palace  at  Knossos,  discovered  by  Mr.  A.  J.  Evans  in 
1900. 

Of  the  various  nations  whom  the  Egyptians  included 
under  the  name  of  Keftiu  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  we 
know  the  names  of  two  only,  i.e.,  Sirdana  and  Dan- 
una,  which  names  occur  in  the  Tell  el-'Amarna  tablets ; 
the  former  are  mentioned  as  mercenary  soldiers,  the 
latter  as  having  established  a  settlement  on  the  coast 
of  Palestine.1  These  two  nations  are  identical  with 
the  Shartina  and  the  Taanau,  or  Tanauna,  who  are 
mentioned  in  texts  of  the  XlXth  and  XXth  Dynasties  ; 
but  of  the  other  nations,  e.g.,  Aquinasha,  Tartenui, 
Masa,  Maunna,  Pitasa,  Qaleqisha,  Thuirsha,  Shakelesha, 
Tchakarui,  and  Uashasha,  who  were  associated  with 
them  in  later  days,  we  have  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty 
no  mention.    The  Lycians,  who  were  known  to  the 

Egyptians  as  "  Buka,"  jj^,  and  to  the 

Babylonians  as  "Lu-uk-ki,"  ^  E?V£T  <JS=|,  and 
who  were  no  doubt  also  included  under  the  generic  name 
of  "Kefti,"  were  renowned  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty 
as  pirates,  and  a  correspondence  was  carried  on 
between  the  governments  of  Alashiya  and  Egypt  in  the 
reign  of  Amen-hetep  IV.  in  respect  of  their  predatory 

1  See  Winckler,  Die  Thontafeln,  Berlin,  1896,  p.  143  ;  and  Tell  el- 
Amarna  Tablets  in  the  British  Museum,  London,  1892,  p.  lxi. 


170  THE  KING'S  POWER  ABSOLUTE 

raids.1  The  nation  of  the  Pursatha,  which  must  be 
identified  with  the  Philistines,  is  not  mentioned  in 
the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  and  at  this  period  it  does  not 
appear  as  yet  to  have  settled  on  the  coast  of  Palestine. 
The  relations  between  Egypt  and  the  above  mentioned 
peoples  of  the  Mediterranean  at  this  time  appear  to 
have  been,  on  the  whole,  friendly,  and  the  discovery  of 
Mycenaean  objects  with  Egyptian  remains  of  this  date 
and  the  evidence  of  the  great  influence  which  Egyptian 
art  exercised  over  that  of  the  Mycenaeans,  prove  that 
these  relations  were  of  a  continuous  and  not  intermittent 
character. 

The  history  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  shows  that  the 
power  of  the  king  was  absolute  as  far  as  the  dictation 
of  the  foreign  policy  of  the  government  was  concerned  ; 
but  though  in  theory  he  controlled  the  internal  affairs 
of  the  country  in  the  same  way,  we  see  that  in  practice 
he  was  checked  by  the  necessity  of  consulting  the 
wishes  of  the  priests  of  Amen-Ea  at  Thebes,  who  were 
now  becoming  very  powerful,  and  by  the  impossibility 
of  dominating  the  actions  of  the  large  army  of  officials, 
both  civil  and  military,  who  had  by  this  time  taken 
the  place  of  the  old  aristocratic  and  semi-independent 
governors  of  the  nomes.  The  troubles  which  ac- 
companied the  Hyksos  invasion,  and  the  long  wars  of 
liberation  carried  on  by  the  princes  of  the  XVIIth 
Dynasty  resulted  in  the  disappearance  of  the  old  erpa 
ha  princes,  or  chiefs  of  nomes,  who  in  the  XVIIIth 

1  Winckler,  Tell  el-Amarna,  p.  87. 


khut-Aten  made  the  capital  171 

Dynasty  were  replaced  by  royal  officials,  all  the  power 
of  the  government  being  centralized  at  Thebes.  The 
ancient  political  capitals,  Memphis  and  Herakleopolis, 
declined  greatly  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  and  the 
ancient  religious  capital,  Heliopolis,  sank  into  obscurity  ; 
on  the  other  hand  Abydos  revived,  chiefly  because  it 
was  the  most  ancient  centre  of  Osiris  worship,  which 
at  this  time  was  far  more  prominent  than  under  the 
kings  of  the  Middle  Empire.  The  temporary  transfer 
of  the  court  and  government  administration  from 
Thebes  to  Khut-Aten  (Tell  el-'Amarna)  in  the  reign  of 
Amen-hetep  did  not  result  in  any  permanent  dis- 
organization of  the  administrative  machinery,  but  the 
religious  upheaval  which  accompanied  it  was  very 
considerable.  It  seems  as  if  the  king  was  obliged  to 
quit  Thebes,  for  the  capital  was  as  sincerely  devoted 
to  the  worship  of  Amen  as  he  was  to  that  of  A  ten; 
his  departure  probably  saved  the  country  from  rebellion 
and  civil  war.  The  episode  of  the  retirement  of  the 
heretical  king  with  his  whole  court  to  the  new  palace 
and  city  of  the  "  Spirit  of  the  Sun-Disk,"  which  he 
built  far  away  from  the  shrines  of  the  ancient  religion 
which  he  had  repudiated,  and  the  strange  life  of 
religious  and  artistic  propaganda  which  he  led  there, 
utterly  oblivious  of  the  fate  of  the  foreign  possessions 
of  his  empire,  is  one  of  the  most  curious  and  interesting 
in  the  history  of  the  world. 

The  history  of  the  development  of  the  Egyptian 
religion  at  this  period  is  dominated  by  the  transitory 


172  THE  ATEN  WORSHIP 

episode  of  the  Aten  heresy.  The  word  Aten,  (j  , 
means  "  Sim-Disk,"  and  the  veneration  of  it  was  ex- 
tremely ancient  in  Egypt,  or  rather  in  those  parts  of 
the  country  where  the  influence  of  the  priests  of 
Heliopolis  was  paramount.  The  old  veneration  in- 
cluded no  monotheistic  conceptions,  and  the  Aten  was 
venerated  solely  as  the  disk  of  the  Sun-god  Ea ;  at 
base,  then,  the  worship  of  the  Aten  was  of  Heliopolitan 
origin,  but  it  only  became  a  heresy  when  monotheistic 
ideas  were  imported  into  it,  and  the  sun-disk  was 
regarded  as  the  sole  deity  of  heaven  and  of  earth,  the 
source  of  all  light  and  life.  It  seems  that  these  new 
views  were  introduced  into  the  worship  of  the  Aten 
by  the  importation  into  Egypt  of  foreign  religious 
ideas  of  a  monotheistic  character,  which  were  brought 
from  Mitanni  by  Thi,  the  Mitannian  wife  of  Amen- 
hetep  III.,  and  mother  of  his  son  Amen-hetep  IV. 
(Khu-en-Aten).  The  cause  of  the  bitter  dispute 
between  Amen-hetep  IV.  and  the  priests  was  the  fact 
that  the  worship  of  the  Aten  as  developed  by  him 
admitted  of  the  existence  of  no  other  gods ;  all  the 
anthropomorphic  and  theriomorphic  gods  of  Egypt 
were  to  be  abolished,  and  the  sole  deity  to  be  wor- 
shipped was  the  actual,  burning,  and  radiant  disk  of 
the  Sun,  who  was  no  longer  to  be  regarded  as  the 
god  of  the  sky,  but  as  God  Himself,  One  and  Alone. 
Such  revolutionary  ideas  as  these  were,  no  doubt, 
exclusively  confined  to  the  king  and  court  at  Tell 
el-'Amarna,  for  all  the  priests  and  the  bulk  of  the 


THE  ATEN  WORSHIP 


173 


people  remained  faithful  to  the  old  gods  of  Egypt, 
who  were  restored  to  their  old  positions  within  ten 
years  after  the  death  of  Amen-hetep  IV.,  when  the 
name  of  Amen,  which  he  had  erased  from  the  monu- 
ments wherever  possible  in  order  to  insert  in  its  place 
that  of  Aten,  was  restored  by  the  orthodox  king  Heru- 
em-heb.  The  vigour  of  the  opposition  offered  to  the 
views  of  the  heretics  by  the  priests  of  Amen  is  evident 
from  the  violence  of  the  hatred  displayed  towards  their 
god  and  his  name,  and  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  the 
names  of  Ea  and  Heru-khuti,  gods  of  Heliopolis,  were 
left  undisturbed  by  Khu-en-Aten. 

Among  the  religious  literature  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty 
the  hymns  to  the  Aten  are  characterized  by  loftiness  of 
sentiment  and  beauty  of  expression.  The  Book  of  the 
Dead  attained  its  fullest  development  at  this  period, 
when  the  Theban  Recension  was  finally  elaborated. 
Many  of  the  most  ancient  chapters  had  long  been 
unintelligible  throughout,  and  many  passages  in  it  had 
been  interpreted  by  means  of  glosses  and  commentaries 
from  very  ancient  times.  The  greater  portion  of  the 
book  as  it  was  constituted  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty 
consists  of  the  original  texts  mixed  with  and  overlaid 
by  a  number  of  explanatory  notes  and  glosses,  which  it 
is  often  difficult  to  separate  from  the  original  texts. 
In  connexion  with  this  subject  it  must  be  noted  that 
sepulchral  stelae  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  differ 
greatly  from  those  in  use  under  the  Xllth  and  earlier 
Dynasties.    On  the  earlier  stelae  we  see  representations 


174     FUNERAL  CUSTOMS  IN  THE  XVIIIth  DYNASTY 

of  the  making  of  offerings  to  the  deceased  by  his  wife 
and  the  various  members  of  his  family,  from  which  it  is 
clear  that  the  veneration  of  ancestors  was  a  sacred 
duty ;  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  however,  we  see  that 
the  deceased  himself  is  usually  depicted  in  the  act  of 
making  offerings  to  a  god,  who  is  generally  Horns, 
and  this  remained  the  most  striking  characteristic  of 
sepulchral  stelae  until  the  latest  times.  In  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  remains  of  the  dynasty  of  Antef  kings  given 
above  reference  has  been  made  to  the  fashion  which 
grew  up  in  their  time  of  making  coffins  in  the  shape  of 
the  mummified  human  body ;  under  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty  this  custom  became  universal,  and  the  old 
rectangular  coffins  did  not  come  into  use  again  until 
the  Koman  Period.  In  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  exalted 
personages  were  buried  in  two  or  three  coffins,  and  a 
board,  elaborately  painted  and  decorated  with  a  human 
face,  was  often  laid  upon  the  mummy  j  this  board  was, 
in  later  days,  replaced  by  a  cartonnage  casing  made  of 
layers  of  linen  and  plaster,  which  fitted  the  body 
closely.  In  still  later  times  cartonnage  cases  were 
made  of  old  papyri,  which  were  broken  up  and  mixed 
with  gum,  and  so  formed  a  kind  of  cardboard. 

The  kings  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  were  not  buried 
in  pyramids  like  their  predecessors,  but  in  large  rock- 
hewn  tombs,  which  contained  corridors  and  galleries  of 
great  length,  and  several  chambers  which  were  used  for 
commemorative  festival  services  and  for  the  making  of 
offerings.    Each  king  began  to  build  his  tomb  as  soon 


THE  TOMBS  OF  THE  KINGS  175 

as  he  ascended  the  throne,  and  its  extension  and  the 
decoration  of  the  walls,  etc.,  continued  until  the  time  of 
his  death ;  practically,  the  longer  a  king  reigned  the 
larger  his  tomb  became.  The  earlier  kings  of  the 
XVIIIth  Dynasty  were  buried  in  the  mountain  near 
the  temple  of  Der  al-Bahari,  and  their  tombs  could 
probably  be  approached  from  that  building  ;  the  later 
kings  built  tombs  for  themselves  in  the  rocky  ravine, 
commouly  called  the  "  Valley  of  the  Tombs  of  the 
Kings,"  in  Arabic,  Biban-al-Muluk.  Of  the  latter 
group  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  interesting  is  the 
tomb  of  Amen-hetep  II.,  which  was  discovered  by 
M.  Loret  in  1898.  In  addition  to  the  mummy  of  this 
king  there  were  found  in  it  the  mummies  of  Thothmes 
IY.,  Amen-hetep  III.,  Amen-hetep  IV.,  Seti  II., 
Sa-Ptah,  Kameses  IV.,  Rameses  V.,  Rameses  VI.,  and 
Set-nekht.  These  mummies  were  probably  removed 
from  their  tombs  and  placed  for  safety  in  the  tomb  of 
Amen-hetep  II.  in  the  time  of  the  XXIst  Dynasty, 
when  a  number  of  mummies  of  other  kings,  including 
those  of  Seti  I.  and  Rameses  II.,  were  removed  for 
similar  reasons  to  the  famous  hiding-place  near  Der 
al-Bahari,  to  which  reference  has  already  been  made. 
In  the  tomb  of  Amen-hetep  II.  were  also  found  three 
mummies,  each  with  a  large  hole  in  his  skull  and  a 
gash  in  his  breast.  At  the  time  of  their  discovery  a 
theory  was  promulgated  to  the  effect  that  these  were 
slaves  who  had  been  sacrificed  during  the  final  funeral 
ceremonies  which  took  ^lace  in  the  tomb,  but  further 


176  TOMBS  OF  PRIVATE  INDIVIDUALS 

examinations  of  these  mummies  seem  to  show  that  they 
owe  their  wounds  to  the  violence  of  the  robbers  of  the 
tomb  in  ancient  times,  who  dragged  them  out  of  their 
coffins  and  mishandled  them  in  search  of  treasure. 

The  tombs  of  private  individuals  retained  a  modifica- 
tion of  the  pyramidal  form  as  far  as  their  entrances 
were  concerned,  and  the  walls  were  ornamented, 
especially  in  the  case  of  great  officials,  with  scenes  in 
which  the  chief  events  of  their  own  lives  and  of  the 
times  in  which  they  lived  were  represented,  a  very 
favourite  subject  being  the  introduction  and  presenta- 
tion at  court  of  the  ambassadors  and  bearers  of  tribute 
from  foreign  potentates  and  vassal  nations.  However 
faithful  in  point  of  costume  and  minute  peculiarities 
such  scenes  may  have  been,  their  general  design  and 
treatment  were  strictly  conventional,  the  old  Egyptian 
canon  of  art  being  faithfully  adhered  to.  In  the  reign 
of  the  heretical  king,  Khu-en-Aten,  whose  artistic 
predilections  have  already  been  referred  to,  art  as  well 
as  religion  became  infected  with  the  taint  of  heresy. 
Excellent  illustrations  of  this  fact  will  be  found  in  the 
frescoes  and  pillar  decorations  of  the  king's  palace  at 
Tell  el-'Amarna,  where  we  find  plant  motifs  especially 
treated  with  a  freedom  from  conventionality  and  truth 
to  nature  which  were  hitherto  unknown,  and  which 
are  never  found  in  later  periods.  It  cannot  be  said 
that  Khu-en-Aten's  sculptors  and  painters  obtained 
either  greater  or  less  success  in  the  treatment  of  the 
human  figure  than  their  predecessors,  but  one  great 


REALISTIC  DEVELOPMENT  OF  ART  177 


step  in  advance,  i.e.,  shading  in  painting,  was  made  by 
them,  though  it  was,  unfortunately,  retraced  later ;  it 
was  only  during  the  reign  of  this  king  that  the 
Egyptian  artist  ever  showed  that  he  understood  the 
effects  of  light  and  shade  in  his  work.  With  the 
cessation  of  religious  heresy  the  artistic  heresy  ceased 
also.  Some  have  thought  that  the  artistic  development 
which  took  place  under  Khu-en-Aten  was  due  to  the 
influence  of  the  highly  realistic  and  bizarre  contem- 
poraneous art  of  the  Mycenaeans,  but  there  is  as  yet 
no  satisfactory  evidence  for  this  view,  indeed  it  seems 
more  probable  that  Egyptian  art  influenced  that  of  the 
Mycenaeans  than  the  reverse.  It  must  never  be 
forgotten  that  the  Egyptian  artist  possessed  a  good 
deal  of  freedom  in  the  treatment  of  designs  intended  for 
small  objects,  especially  mirrors  and  other  articles  of 
the  toilet,  spoons,  and  the  like ;  and  in  the  treatment 
of  animals  he  had  more  freedom  allowed  him  than  in 
the  case  of  the  human  figure,  or  of  trees,  plants,  etc. 
The  extraordinary  naturalistic  development  which  took 
place  in  the  reign  of  Khu-en-Aten  was  entirely  of 
Egyptian  origin,  and,  as  far  as  can  be  seen  now,  owed 
little  or  nothing  to  foreign  influence ;  on  the  other 
hand,  one  of  the  bases  of  Mycenaean  art  is  of  Egyptian 
origin,  i.e.,  the  conventional  use  of  red  colour  in 
frescoes  to  denote  the  flesh  of  men,  and  yellow  to 
denote  the  flesh  of  women.  In  one  branch  of  Egyp- 
tian art,  i.e.,  the  making  and  inscribing  of  scarabs, 
a  revolution  seems  to  have  taken  place  earlier  in  the 

VOL.  IV.  N 


178       ARCHITECTURE  IN  THE  XVIIlTH  DYNASTY 

XVIlItli  Dynasty,  when  under  Amen-hetep  I.  the  old 
styles  of  scarab-engraving,  which  are  so  characteristic 
of  the  Middle  Empire,  and  are  distinguished  by  a 
profuse  use  of  the  spiral  ornament  and  by  deeply-cut 
inscriptions,  gave  way  to  lighter  and  more  elegant 
fashions.  At  the  same  period  the  inscribed  seal 
cylinder  ceased  to  be  used,  and  the  style  of  the 
Egyptian  hieratic  writing  underwent  a  very  consider- 
able change. 

Of  the  houses  in  which  the  Egyptians  lived  at  this 
period  we  know  little,  but  it  is  certain  that  those  of  the 
wealthy  had  large  gardens  attached  to  them,  and  that 
the  main  building  stood  in  the  midst  of  a  courtyard 
which  was  bounded  by  a  high  wall.  Of  the  furniture 
which  was  used  in  such  houses  we  know  a  great  deal, 
thanks  to  the  tombs  at  Thebes,  from  which  have  been 
recovered  so  many  truly  beautiful  examples  of  tables, 
chairs,  couches,  etc.,  often  inlaid  with  ebony,  ivory, 
and  cedar  wood ;  and  the  fact  should  always  be  remem- 
bered that  by  far  the  greater  number  of  the  objects  of 
this  class  which  are  found  in  the  Museums  of  Europe 
are  the  product  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  and  belong- 
to  no  later  period. 

The  hieroglyphic  inscriptions  which  are  found 
throughout  Egypt  and  Nubia  show  that  under  the  rule 
of  the  kings  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  the  shrines  of 
all  the  gods  of  Egypt  were  restored,  and  most  of  their 
temples  rebuilt,  and  a  comparatively  permanent  provision 
seems  to  have  been  made  for  the  maintenance  of  the 


TEMPLES  OF  KARNAK  AND  LUXOR 


179 


services  and  sacrifices  of  the  gods,  and  for  the  support  of 
those  who  ministered  to  them  out  of  the  gifts  brought 
from  foreign  nations  and  the  tribute  paid  by  vassal 
tribes.  Hatshepset  tells  in  her  temple  at  Der  al- 
Bahari  and  in  the  Speos  Artemidos  that  she  restored  the 
shrines  which  the  Aamu,  i.e.,  Hyksos,  had  wrecked,  and 
rebuilt  the  altars  and  the  temples  which  were  in  ruins, 
but  it  must  be  noted  that  most  of  the  temples  which 
she  built  were  those  of  goddesses.  Early  in  the 
XVIIIth  Dynasty  the  ancient  shrine  of  Amen  in  the 
Northern  Apt  (Karnak)  was  restored,  and  beautified, 
and  greatly  enlarged,  king  vying  with  king  in  adding 
court  to  court,  and  building  to  building,  in  honour  of 
the  god  of  the  city  who  had  worked  their  deliverance 
from  the  Hyksos  plague.  Later,  in  the  reign  of  Amen- 
hetep  III.,  a  new  temple  to  Amen-Ra  was  begun  in 
the  Southern  Apt  (Luxor),  and  succeeding  kings  added 
largely  to  it.    Both  temples  were  under  the  high-priest 

of  Amen,  T  9  f  *ww\  (]        J) ,  and  were  served  by  the 

I    A    O  I   AAAAAA   \  I 

whole  body  of  the  priests  of  Amen  in  Thebes,  who, 
although  they  did  not  yet  control  the  political  and 
military  policy  of  the  country,  as  in  later  days,  were 
nevertheless  fast  becoming  a  very  powerful  corpora- 
tion, the  influence  of  which  was  already  eclipsing  that 
of  the  more  ancient  hierarchies  of  Heliopolis  and 
Memphis.  Many  women  of  high  rank  in  Thebes  were 
appointed  to  offices  connected  with  the  worship  in  the 
temple,  and  received  titles  accordingly,  e.g.,  "  qemat  en 


l8o  POSITION  OF  THE  PRIESTHOOD 

Amen,"  J-A  ^        f\  1~~~J  % ,  i.e.,  "  singer  of  Amen," 

T  I   AAAAAA   i  I 

and  the  influence  of  the  brotherhood  of  Ainen  was 
thereby  greatly  increased,  and  it  acquired  great  wealth 
from  the  gifts  of  such  devotees.  Another  source  of 
great  wealth  to  the  brotherhood  was  the  share  which 
was  always  set  apart  exclusively  for  the  god  Amen  out 
of  the  booty  captured  from  foreign  nations,  and  we 
must  not  forget  the  profits  which  accrued  to  the  priests 
of  Amen  from  the  labours  of  the  lower  classes  of  the 
order  who  mummified  the  dead  and  carried  out  all  the 
funeral  arrangements  in  Thebes.  We  may  note  in 
passing  that  the  position  of  the  priest  had  undergone 
great  modifications  since  ancient  times,  for  under  the 
XVIIIth  Dynasty  it  could  not  any  longer  be  said  that 
the  head  of  the  family  was  ipso  facto  a  priest,  nor  do 
we  find  that  all  great  officials  any  longer  held  priestly 
offices  as  a  matter  of  course.  The  priests  now  began 
to  form  an  entirely  distinct  class  of  the  population,  and 
their  position  was  of  a  most  exalted  character ;  but  to 
enter  the  priesthood  was  open  to  every  man,  and  the 
son  of  the  peasant  who  owned  an  acre  or  two  of  land, 
having  once  entered  the  priesthood,  might,  as  well  as  a 
son  of  a  high  official,  aspire  to  the  highest  offices  of  the 
order,  provided  he  possessed  the  necessary  ability. 
Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  large  class  of 
officials,  forming  a  sort  of  bureaucracy,  who  performed 
the  functions  of  local  government,  which  in  the  time  of 
the  earlier  dynasties  had  been  carried  out  by  the  local 
ha  princes,  and  among  such  must  be  mentioned  the 


EGYPTIAN  OFFICIALS  OF  HIGH  RANK  l8l 

royal  scribes,  ^j,  jfjoj        of  various  kinds,  who  were 
scattered  throughout  the  country ;  the  local  governor, 
T  ^  Z  1  ^1  ^c^ia^'mer  nut  J   the  headman  of 
the  village,  ^  aaa^  |  (|  (j  ^  ©  M-na- 

temdit ;    the    commander  -  in  -  chief   of   the  police, 

r£  ^  fT.  &  i  Ik  fl  fl  1  si  i  -ia"-^rM  m<aeW«  >• 

the   chief  magistrates   or   town-council   of  Thebes, 

ffi  ^  ^  !  -  a  "^f^  f]    ^  :  j  WM         >  the  treasury 

scribe,  jjjoj  n  |  [71  *w  peru*  Ae£c/i  /  the  tax-collectors, 

and  the  officials  connected  with  the  administration  of 
justice,  the  head  of  whom  was  the  "  chief  judge," 


As  the  functions  of  the  nobles  in  the  early  dynasties 
were  now  performed  by  paid  officials,  so  the  command 
of  the  soldiery  of  Egypt  passed  into  the  hands  of 
professional  officers,  and  a  more  or  less  centralized 
army,   with  a  nucleus   consisting   of  royal  guards, 

^   %~=J\  ^  i ,   or   "  mighty    men   of    valour,"  was 

formed,  and  had  its  headquarters  at  Thebes.  This 
army  was  under  the  direction  of  a  coinmander-in-chief, 

<=>  ^  !         ®  mer  mashdu  ur  tep,  and  seems 

to  have  been  divided  into  more  or  less  organized 
regiments,  e.g.,  the  "  regiment  of  Amen,"  the  "  regiment 


182     HORSES  EMPLOYED  IN  THE  EGYPTIAN  ARMY 


of  Ptah,"  etc.  A  new  feature  of  the  equipment  of 
the  army  of  the  New  Empire  was  the  introduction  of 

the    war    chariot,  ;  .  the    corps  of 

charioteers   was   called    "|        ^        (j  £  ^?  thent 

hetrdu,  i.e.,  "  those  who  belong  to  the  horses."  But 
although  the  Egyptians  readily  adopted  from  the 
Asiatics  the  use  of  the  horse  in  a  chariot,  they  never 
formed  bodies  of  cavalry  in  our  sense  of  the  word,  and 
though  they  were  ready  enough  to  drive  horses,  they 
seem  never  to  have  had  any  great  desire  to  ride  them. 
Under  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  it  cannot  be  said  that 

the  lot  of  the  common  folk,  J         ^      !  tchamu, 

was  as  happy  and  prosperous  as  it  had  been  in  the 
Xllth  Dynasty,  for  not  only  had  they  become  liable  to 
forced  military  service  in  foreign  lands,  but  the  greatly 
increased  expenditure  of  the  court  and  administration 
resulted  necessarily  in  greatly  increased  taxation. 
Moreover,  it  is  open  to  considerable  doubt  if  the  paid 
official  of  Pharaoh  was  as  forbearing  or  as  just  towards 
the  people  uuder  his  charge  as  the  bailiff  of  the  old 
ha  prince 1  had  been. 

It  has  often  been  said  that  the  period  of  the  Xllth 
Dynasty  was  the  "Golden  Age"  of  Egypt,  but  if  a 
nation's  greatness  is  to  be  gauged  by  its  material 

1  Although  the  old  powers  of  the  erpd  ha  princes  had  lapsed,  we 
see  that  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  this  title  was  bestowed  upon 
favourites  as  a  court  distinction,  e.g.,  upon  Senmut. 


THE  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  EGYPT  183 

wealth  and  power  this  title  will  more  justly  be  applied 
to  the  period  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  which  undoubt- 
edly marks  the  highest  point  which  Egyptian  civiliza- 
tion and  power  ever  reached.  The  reign  of  Amen- 
hetep  III.  was  the  culminating  point  in  Egyptian 
history,  for  never  again,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the 
Kamessids,  did  Egypt  occupy  so  exalted  a  place  among 
the  nations  of  the  world  as  she  had  in  his  time.  At 
his  death  a  decline  set  in,  the  progress  of  which  was 
not  arrested,  either  by  the  energy  and  ability  of  Seti  I. 
or  by  the  fictitious  glory  of  his  pretentious  *son 
Eameses  II.,  who  in  modern  times  has  been  commonly 
but  erroneously  called  the  "  Great." 


(    i84  ) 


CHAPTER  III. 
THE  TELL  EL-'AMARNA  TABLETS. 

The  Tell  el-'Amarna  Tablets  consist  of  a  number  of 
letters,  despatches,  etc.,  which  were  written  to  Amen- 
hetep  III.  and  to  his  son  Amen-hetep  IV.,  kings  of 
Egypt  in  the  X Vlllth  Dynasty,  by  kings  and  governors 
of  certain  countries,  and  districts,  and  cities,  and  towns 
in  Western  Asia.  They  are  written  in  a  cursive  cunei- 
form character,  chiefly  in  a  Semitic  dialect — Babylonian1 
— and  a  few  of  them  contain  dockets  in  the  Egyptian 
hieratic  character  recording  the  names  of  the  countries 
from  which  they  came,  and  probably  the  dates  when 
they  were  received.  It  would  be  hard  to  over-estimate 
the  importance  of  the  Tell  el-'Amarna  Tablets  from  a 
historical  point  of  view,  for  they  supply  information  of 
a  character  which  exists  in  no  other  body  of  documents 
known  to  us.  We  learn,  moreover,  from  them  not  only 
concerning  the  relations  which  existed  between  the 

1  A  peculiar  feature  in  these  tablets  is  the  frequent  use  of  glosses, 
which  explain  certain  Sumerian  ideographs  both  by  Babylonian  and 
by  Palestinian  words.  In  some  cases  Babylonian  words  are  ex- 
plained by  their  Palestinian  equivalents. 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  TABLETS  185 

kings  of  the  independent  countries  and  the  rulers 
of  the  vassal  states  of  Western  Asia  and  the  kings  of 
Egypt  mentioned  above,  but  also  concerning  certain 
of  the  alliances  and  friendships  which  had  grown  up 
between  the  early  kings  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  who 
had  successfully  invaded  Syria  and  Palestine,  and  the 
native  viceroys  whom  they  appointed  to  rule  over  their 
newly  gotten  lands  on  their  behalf.  They  also  supply 
much  information  concerning  offensive  and  defensive 
alliances  between  the  kings  of  Egypt  and  of  other 
countries,  and  concerning  marriage  customs,  religious 
ceremonies,  intrigues,  etc.,  and  they  give  us  for  the 
first  time  the  names  of  Artatama,  Artashumara,  and 
Tushratta,  kings  of  Mitanni.  The  philological  and 
geographical  information  which  may  be  derived  from 
these  documents  is,  in  its  peculiar  way,  almost  as 
valuable  as  the  historical  facts  which  they  supply,  and 
for  this  reason  summaries  of  the  contents  of  the  prin- 
cipal documents  of  the  "  find  "  are  here  given. 

The  Tell  el-'Amarna  Tablets  were  found  about  the 
end  of  the  year  1887  in  a  chamber  which  was  situated 
in  the  small  building  that  lies  to  the  east  of  the  palace 
built  by  Amen-hetep  IV.  in  the  city  of  Khut-Aten, 
the  ruins  of  which  have  been  called  by  the  Arabs  "Tell 
el-'Amarna."  The  finder  was  a  woman,  who  was 
digging  out  dust  from  among  the  ruins  to  lay  upon 
her  land  for  "  top-dressing,"  and  who  handed  over  her 
interest  in  the  find  to  one  of  her  friends  for  the  sum  of 
two  shillings  (10  piastres).    The  exact  number  of  the 


l86  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  TABLETS 

tablets  which  were  originally  deposited  in  the  chamber 
will  never  be  known,  for  several  were  broken  accidentally 
and  the  pieces  destroyed  by  the  Arabs  who  dug  them 
out  of  the  chamber,  and  others  were  broken  wilfully  by 
them,  either  for  the  purpose  of  easy  carriage  on  the 
persons  of  those  who  helped  to  dig  them  up  and  were 
concerned  in  the  secret  removal  of  antiquities  from  one 
place  to  another,  or  that  the  number  of  men  who  were 
to  have  a  share  in  the  profit  derived  from  the  sale  of 
the  tablets  might  be  increased.  Moreover,  several 
fragments  were  lost  or  destroyed  by  certain  natives  who 
were  sent  to  take  them  to  the  antiquity  dealers  in 
Cairo.1  The  British  Museum  acquired^  about  81 
tablets,  the  Berlin  Museum  about  160  pieces,  some 
of  them  being  of  considerable  size,  the  Museum  in 
Cairo  about  60  tablets,  and  about  a  score  of  small 
tablets  and  several  fragments  fell  into  the  hands  of 
private  collectors  ;  judging  by  these  figures  it  appears 
that  the  number  of  tablets  which  were  preserved 
of  the  "find"  was  about  three  hundred.  With  the 
tablets  were  found  a  clay  seal  having  two  impressions 
of  the  prenomen  of  Amen-hetep  IV.  ;  five  square 
alabaster  plaques,  inlaid  with  the  prenomen  and  name 
of  Amen-hetep  III.  in  dark  blue  glazed  faience  ;  a  light 
blue  glazed  faience  plaque,  rounded  at  the  top,  and 

1  I  obtained  these  facts  in  December,  1887,  from  a  gentleman 
in  Egypt  who  was,  I  believe,  the  first  European  who  saw  the  Tell 
el-'Amarna  Tablets,  and  who  had  personal  knowledge  of  the  men 
who  bought  them  from  their  finder. 


AMEN-HETEP  III.  AND  KALLIMMA-SIN  187 

inlaid  in  dark  blue  faience  characters  with  the  names 
and  titles  of  Amen-hetep  III.  and  his  wife  Thi  in 
hieroglyphics ;  and  a  red  stone  jar  cover  carved  to 
represent  a  lion  and  a  bull  fighting.  The  contents 
of  the  principal  tablets  of  the  "  find "  may  be  thus 
summarized : — 

1 .  Letter  from  Amenophis1  III.  to  Kallimma-Sin, 
or  as  the  name  may  also  be  read,  Kadashnian-Bel,  King 
of  Karaduniyash.  The  letter  opens  with  the  words, 
"To  Kallimma-Sin,  King  of  Karaduniyash,  my  brother, 
"thus  saith  Amenophis,  the  Great  King,  the  King  of 
" -EgyP^  thy  brother  :  'I  am  well,  may  it  be  well  with 
"  thee,  with  thy  government,  with  thy  wives,  with  thy 
"  children,  with  thy  nobles,  with  thy  horses,  and  with 
"thy  chariots,  and  may  there  be  great  peace  in  thy 
"  land ;  with  me  may  it  be  well,  with  my  government, 
"  with  my  wives,  with  my  children,  with  my  nobles, 
"  with  my  horses,  with  my  chariots,  and  with  my  troops, 
"and  may  there  be  great  peace  in  my  land.'"  Amen- 
ophis refers  to  the  refusal  of  Kallimma-Sin  to  give  him 
his  daughter  to  wife  on  the  ground  that  he  did  not 
know  whether  his  own  sister,  whom  Amenophis  had 
married,  was  alive  or  dead,  and  tells  him  to  send  to 
the  Egyptian  court  a  messenger  to  see  her  and  the 
happy  conditions  under  which  she  lives.  Kallimma-Sin 

1  Amenophis  is  called  Nimmuriya,  or  Immuriya,  or  Mimmuriya, 
all  of  which  forms  represent  the  Egyptian  prenomen  Neb-Mafit-Ra, 

(EE)- 


l88         AMEN-HETEP  III.  AND  KALLIMMA-SIN 


appears  to  have  clone  so,  but  neither  the  messenger  nor 
any  of  his  colleagues  had  known  the  lady  personally, 
and  they  were  therefore  unable  to  identify  her.  In 
answer  to  the  remark  of  Kallimma-Sin  that  he  was 
accustomed  to  give  his  daughters  in  marriage  to  "  kings 
of  Karaduniyash,"  and  to  receive  handsome  gifts  in 
return,  Amenophis  says  that  he  will  give  in  return 
for  his  daughter  richer  gifts  than  any  Babylonian 
could  give  him,  and  that  he  will  besides  give  him  a 
gift  on  behalf  of  the  sister  concerning  whom  Kallimma- 
Sin  was  making  inquiries;  also  that  it  is  useless  to 
refer  to  the  old  treaty  between  the  king  of  Karaduniyash 
and  Thothmes  IV.,  for  Amenophis  has  duly  observed 
it,  and  fulfilled  its  conditions.  In  answer  to  the  com- 
plaint made  by  Babylonian  envoys  to  the  court  of 
Egypt  both  to  Kallimma-Sin  and  to  his  father,  to 
the  effect  that  they  had  been  ill-treated,  Amenophis 
declares  that  all  such  statements  are  lies,  for  they 
had  been  treated  with  great  respect ;  the  king  of 
Egypt  also  denies  emphatically  that  he  made  any 
complaint  whatsoever  about  the  beauty  of  the  woman 
whom  Kallimma-Sin  had  sent  him  to  wife,  and 
calls  the  envoys  liars.  The  text  at  the  end  of  the 
tablet  is  incomplete,  but  the  fragments  which  remain 
seem  to  refer  to  some  dispute  about  chariots  and 
horses,  and  the  Babylonian  king  seems  to  accuse  the 
king  of  Egypt  of  bad  faith.    (Brit.  Mus.,1  No.  29,784.) 

1  The  numbers  here  given  are  those  which  appear  in  the  British 
Museum  Guide  to  the  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  Antiquities,  London, 


AMEN-HETEP  III.  AND  KALLIMMA-SIN  189 

2.  Letter  from  Kallimma-Sin  to  Amenophis  III. 
After  salutations  the  Babylonian  king  reports  that  his 
maiden  daughter,  whom  Amenophis  wished  to  marry, 
is  now  grown  up,  and  he  asks  the  king  of  Egypt  to 
send  him  word  about  her,  so  that  she  may  be  brought 
to  him.  He  begs  that  his  messenger  may  not  be 
detained  long  in  Egypt,  and  complains  that  his  last 
envoy  was  kept  there  for  six  years,  and  that  when  he 
did  return  he  only  brought  back  30  manehs  of  gold 
(B. 

3.  Letter  from  Kallimma-Sin  to  Amenophis  III. 
In  one  letter  Kallimma-Sin  asked  the  king  of  Egypt  to 
send  him  an  Egyptian  princess  to  wife,  and  Amenophis 
replied,  "  The  daughter  of  the  king  of  the  land  of 
Egypt  hath  never  been  given  to  anybody "  (i.e., 
a  nobody).  To  this  Kallimma-Sin  replies,  "Why  not? 
"  Thou  art  king  and  canst  act  as  thou  pleasest ;  and  if 
"  thou  art  willing  to  give  her  to  me,  who  shall  say  a 
"  word  against  it  ?  "  In  the  present  letter  Kallimma- 
Sin  says  that  there  must  be  many  beautiful  women  in 
Egypt,  and  asks  that  one  of  these  may  be  sent  to  him, 

1900,  p.  154  ff.,  and  the  summaries  are  based  upon  those  which  were 
drawn  up  for  the  official  publication,  The  Tell  el-Amarna  Tablets  in 
the  British  Museum,  1892,  by  Dr.  Bezold  and  myself  in  1891. 

1  B  =  Berlin  or  Bulak,  and  the  numbers  which  follow  are  those 
given  to  the  texts  in  the  publication  of  Messrs.  Abel  and  Winckler, 
Der  Thontafelftind  von  El-Amarna,  Berlin,  1889,  1890,  who  included 
in  the  official  publication  of  the  Berlin  Museum  copies  of  the  Tell 
el-'Amarna  tablets  at  Bulak.  Renderings  of  most  of  the  tablets  of 
the  find,  with  transliterations  of  the  cuneiform  texts  will  be  found 
in  Winckler,  Die  Thontafeln  von  Tell  el-Amarna,  Berlin,  1898. 


igO         KALLIM MA-SIN  AND  AMEN-HETEP  III. 

for  "  who  here  could  say  that  she  is  not  a  princess  ?  " 
He  adds,  "to  increase  the  closeness  of  the  relations 
"  between  us,  thou  didst  write  to  me  of  marriage,  and 
"  I,  in  order  that  we  might  become  more  nearly  related, 
"  and  that  there  might  be  brotherhood  and  friendship 
"  between  us,  did  the  same.  If  thou  wilt  not  send  me 
"  a  wife  I  will  not  send  thee  one."  .  .  .  .  "  And  as 
"concerning  the  gold  about  which  I  wrote  to  thee, 
"  saying,  '  Send  me  much  gold  with  thy  envoy,'  thou 
"  must  send  it  during  the  season  of  harvest,  either  in 
"  the  month  of  Tammuz  or  that  of  Ab,  and  if  thou  wilt 
"  do  this  I  shall  be  able  to  finish  the  work  which  I 
"  have  begun,  and  I  will  give  thee  my  daughter.  If 
"  the  gold  be  not  sent  in  one  of  the  months  mentioned 
"  I  cannot  complete  the  work  which  I  have  undertaken; 
"  and  if  thou  sendest  it  later,  when  the  work  which  I 
"  have  undertaken  is  ended,  of  what  use  will  it  be  to 
"  me  ?  If  thou  sendest  to  me  3000  talents  of  gold 
"  then  I  shall  not  accept  it,  and  I  will  not  give  thee 
"my  daughter  to  wife  "  (B.  3). 

4.  Letter  from  Kallimma-Sis  to  Amenophis  III. 
Kallimma-Sin  acknowledges  with  thanks  and  hearty 
greetings  the  arrival  of  the  lady  whom  the  king  of 
Egypt  has  sent  him  to  wife,  and  he  announced  in 
return  by  the  hands  of  Shuth,  his  envoy,  the  despatch 
of  couches  and  thrones  made  of  precious  woods  and 
»  gold,  and  other  valuable  objects  as  gifts  for  the  king  of 
Egypt.  On  this  tablet  is  an  impression  of  a  scarab, 
on  the  base  of  which  is  inscribed  the  hawk  of  Horus 


AMEN-HETEP  III.  AND  TUSHRATTA  191 


wearing  the  crowns  of  the  South  and  North,  the 
disk  of  the  sun,  O,  etc.  The  scarab  must  have  been 
made  in  Egypt,  judging  by  the  impression,  which  shows 
that  the  characters  were  cut  accurately  upon  it,  and 
Kallimma-Sin  seems  to  have  had  it  impressed  on  this 
tablet  as  a  compliment  to  the  king  of  Egypt  (Brit. 
Mus.  No.  29,787,  and  B.  2). 

5.  Letter  from  Tushratta,  King  of  Mitanni,  to 
Amenophis  III.  He  mentions  the  letter  which  he 
had  sent  to  Amenophis  to  inform  him  that  he  had 
killed  the  murderers  of  his  (i.e.,  Tushratta's)  brother, 
Artashumara,  and  that  he  had  slain  Pirkhi,  who 
usurped  the  throne  of  Mitanni  after  the  death  of 
Shutarna,  his  father,  and  refers  to  the  friendly 
relations  which  existed  between  the  kings  of  the 
countries  of  Mitanni  and  Egypt.  He  next  reports  that 
the  king  of  Khatti  invaded  his  land,  and  that  the  lord 
Tishub  had  given  him  into  his  hand,  and  that  he  had 
killed  him  and  his  forces  to  a  man.  Amenophis  III. 
had  married  Gilukhipa,1  a  sister  of  Tushratta,  and  now 
Tushratta  states  that  he  is  sending  gifts  of  chariots  and 
horses  to  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  articles  of  jewellery 
for  his  sister ;  in  conclusion  he  begs  that  his 
messengers,  Giliya  and  Tunip-ipri,  may  be  sent  back 
speedily  with  a  gift  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,792). 

6.  Letter  from  Tushratta  to  Amenophis  III. 
Tushratta  refers  to  the  great  friendship  which  existed 

1  The  Egyptian  form  of  the  name  is  . 


ig2  AMEN-HETEP  III.  AND  TUSHRATTA 

between  his  father  Shutarna  and  Thothines  IV.,  the 
father  of  Amenophis,  but  says  that  the  friendship 
which  now  exists  between  Amenophis  and  himself  is 
ten  times  stronger  than  that  which  existed  between 
their  fathers,  and  he  hopes  that  the  god  Tishub 
(=  Rammanu  =  Rimmon)  of  Mitanni  and  Amen  of 
Egypt  will  make  their  friendship  to  prosper.  Tushratta 
then  mentions  that  he  has  allowed  the  Egyptian  envoy 
Mani  to  see  his  daughter,  whom  Amenophis  wishes  to 
marry,  and  he  hopes  that  she  may  be  as  pleasing  to 
Amenophis  himself  as  she  was  to  the  envoy,  and  that 
the  goddess  Ishtar  of  Mitanni  and  Amen  of  Egypt  may 
mould  her  to  please  the  will  of  the  king  of  Egypt. 
Tushratta  then  asks  that  a  large  quantity  of  gold  may 
be  sent  to  him,  and  says  that  he  is  making  ready 
certain  implements  and  weapons  of  war  and  the  chase, 
which  his  grandfather  had  promised  to  send  to 
Amenophis,  but  omitted  to  do  so ;  he  suggests  that 
the  gold  which  he  expects  to  receive  from  the  king  of 
Egypt  be  regarded  as  payment  for  these  objects,  and  as 
his  daughter's  dowry.  He  asks  that  the  envoy  Giliya 
may  be  sent  back  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  states 
that  he  is  sending  gifts  of  lapis-lazuli,  horses, 
chariots,  precious  stones,  and  thirty  women  (Brit.  Mus. 
No.  29,791). 

7.  Letter  from  Tushratta  to  Amenophis  III. 
Referring  to  the  arrival  of  the  Egyptian  envoy,  Mani, 
whom  Amenophis  has  sent  to  bring  to  Egypt  another 
daughter  of  Tushratta,  called  Tatum-khipa,  to  be  his 


AMEN-HETEP  III.  AND  TUSHRATTA 


195 


wife,  Tushratta  says  that  lie  is  quite  willing  to  send  her 
to  Egypt,  only  that  her  wedding  apparel  is  not  ready  yet, 
and  that  she  cannot  start  for  six  months.  Meanwhile 
he  sends  a  messenger  of  the  king  of  Egypt  called 
Haramashshi  back  to  him  with  the  present  letter.  It 
seems  that  Amenophis  had  despatched  a  quantity  of 
gold  to  Tushratta,  who  had  it  examined,  and  found 
that  it  was  either  not  pure  gold  or  not  gold  at  all. 
This  being  so  he  refuses  to  send  his  daughter  Tatum- 
khipa  to  Amenophis,  and  he  asks  in  the  letter  which 
Haramashshi  took  back  to  him  that  the  objects  which 
he  had  already  sent  him,  and  which  belonged  to  his 
father  Shutarna,  may  be  returned  to  Mitanni  (B.  22). 

8.  Letter  from  Tushratta  to  Amenophis  III. 
Tushratta  announces  the  despatch  of  his  daughter 
Tatum-khipa,  in  company  with  the  Egyptian  envoy 
Mani  and  the  Egyptian  interpreter  Hani,  and  he  prays 
that  Shamash  and  Ishtar  may  go  before  her,  and  make 
her  a  delightful  thing  in  the  sight  of  the  king  of  Egypt, 
and  that  she  may  bring  to  him  both  blessing  and  joy. 
He  sends  gifts  to  Amenophis,  which  he  prays  may  be 
safely  guarded  for  one  hundred  thousand  years  among 
the  treasures  of  Amenophis  (B.  21). 

9.  Letter  from  Burraburiyash,  King  of  Kara- 
duniyash,  to  Amenophis  1  IV.    Burraburiyash  writes 

1  In  the  Tell  el-'Amarna  Tablets  Amenophis  IV.  is  called 
Napkhurriya,  which  is  intended  to  be  the  equivalent  of 
Nefer-kheperu-Ra,   i.e.,   the    first   portion   of    the  prenomen 

f  O  J  ^  j  J>  Ra-nefer-kheperu-ua-ex-Ra. 


I96        BURRABURIYASH  AND  AMEN-HETEP  IV. 

to  say  that  lie  hopes  the  friendship  which  existed 
between  Amenophis  III.  and  himself  will  be  continued 
between  himself  and  Amenophis  IV. ;  whatsoever  the 
king  of  Egypt  wishes  for  from  Karaduniyash  shall  be 
sent  to  him,  and  he  hopes  that  the  king  of  Egypt  will 
send  him  anything  he  may  wish  to  have  from  Egypt 
(B.  4). 

10.  Letter  from  Burraburiyash  to  Amenophis 
IV.  Burraburiyash  says  that  because  our  fathers  were 
friends  they  sent  gifts  to  each  other,  and  neither 
refused  the  request  of  the  other,  no  matter  how  costly 
was  the  thing  which  was  desired.  He  complains  that 
Amenophis  IV.  has  sent  him  only  two  manehs  of  gold, 
and  begs  that  he  will  send  to  him  as  much  gold  as 
Amenophis  III.  sent ;  but  if  he  cannot  do  that  let  him 
send  at  least  half  as  much.  Burraburiyash  is  in  great 
need  of  money  because  he  is  building  a  temple,  and  he 
is  very  anxious  to  finish  the  work  as  soon  as  possible. 
In  the  time  of  Kurigalzu,  the  father  of  Burraburiyash, 
the  Canaanites  wrote  to  him  and  asked  him  to  join 
them  in  making  an  attack  upon  the  frontiers  of  Egypt, 
but  Kurigalzu  wrote  and  told  them  that  he  would  not 
associate  himself  with  them,  and  warned  them  that  if 
they  attempted  to  do  an  unfriendly  act  towards  the  king 
of  Egypt,  his  "brother,"  he  himself  would  march 
against  them  and  plunder  them,  for  the  king  of  Egypt 
was  an  ally  of  his.  Now  the  Assyrians  under  their 
king  Ashur-uballit,  who  was  a  vassal  of  Burraburiyash, 
had  made  their  way  into  Egypt,  presumably  with  the 


BURRABURIYASH  AND  AMEN-HETEP  IV.  I97 

idea  of  making  an  alliance  with  Anienophis  IV.,  and 
Burraburiyash  having  heard  these  things  begs  the 
king  of  Egypt  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  them,  just 
as  his  father  Kurigalzu  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
Canaanites.  He  sends  as  a  gift  to  Amenophis  three 
manehs  of  lapis-lazuli,  and  five  chariots  with  the  horses 
necessary  for  drawing  them  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,785). 

11.  Letter  from  Burraburiyash  to  Amenophis 
IV.  Burraburiyash  refers  to  the  friendly  relations 
which  have  existed  since  the  time  of  his  grandfather 
Kara-indash  between  the  royal  houses  of  Egypt  and 
Karaduniyash,  and  remarks  that,  although  the  friendly 
relations  have  been  continued  down  to  their  own  times, 
and  the  king  of  Egypt  has  sent  three  missions  to  his 
country,  yet  on  no  occasion  have  the  Egyptian  envoys 
brought  him  a  gift.  Moreover,  he  complains  that  the 
twenty  manehs  of  gold  ore  which  Amenophis  IV.  sent 
to  him  only  yielded  when  melted  five  manehs  of  gold. 
The  text  contains  an  allusion  to  wild  oxen  and  their 
skins,  which  Burraburiyash  had  already  sent  to 
Amenophis  IV.,  who  seems  to  have  promised  to  send 
some  chariots  in  return  for  them ;  if  the  skins  already 
sent  were  spoiled  on  the  journey,  new  ones  would  be 
sent  under  the  charge  of  the  Egyptian  envoy  who  was 
to  travel  back  in  company  with  Shindishugab,  the 
envoy  of  Burraburiyash.  A  gift  of  a  lapis-lazuli  object 
is  sent  for  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  also  a  necklace 
consisting  of  1048  precious  stones  for  the  daughter 
of  Amenophis   IV.,    who   had    married   a   son  of 


igS        BURRABURIYASH  AND  AMEN-HETEP  IV. 

Burraburiyash,  but  who  was  living  at  lier  father's  court 
in  Egypt.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  an  Egyptian 
princess  was  allowed  to  marry  a  son  of  a  Mesopotamian 
prince,  especially  as  Amenophis  III.  had  refused  to 
allow  his  daughter  to  marry  Kallimma-Sin.  The 
name  of  the  Mesopotamian  prince  has  not  yet  been 
found  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,786). 

12.  Letter  from  Burraburiyash  to  Amenophis 
IV.  Burraburiyash  refers  to  the  envoys  whom  he  had 
sent  to  Amenophis  III.,  saying  that  though  he  was 
unable  to  give  him  the  daughter  whom  the  Egyptian 
king  wished  to  marry,  he  was  prepared  to  send  another; 
Amenophis  sent  back  an  answer,  but  before  the  Egyp- 
tian envoy  could  convey  it  to  Burraburiyash,  Amen- 
ophis died,  and  the  daughter  who  had  been  promised 
him  to  wife  died  of  the  plague.  The  text  is  mutilated, 
but  it  seems  that  a  Mesopotamian  woman  was  sent  to 
Egypt  as  a  wife  for  Amenophis  IV.,  only  a  difficulty 
arose  because  a  sufficiently  imposing  escort  could  not 
be  provided  for  her.  The  sister  of  Burraburiyash  was 
sent  to  Egypt  to  become  the  wife  of  Amenophis  III., 
and  her  escort  consisted  of  3000  men,  but  Burraburiyash 
can  only  manage  to  find  five  chariots  for  the  escort. 
Burraburiyash  asks  Amenophis  IV.  to  send  him  certain 
objects  inlaid  with  floral  designs  in  ivory,  and  sends  as 
a  gift  to  him  and  to  the  "mistress  of  his  house"1 

1  The  Babylonian  words  Bilti  Uti  are  the  exact  equivalents  of 

the  Egyptian  words  ne^  Per>  "  *a(^  °^  ^e  nouse>"  ky 

which  the  wife  is  always  described  in  the  funeral  texts. 


BURRABURIYASH  AND  AMEN-HETEP  IV.  igg 

pieces  of  lapis-lazuli.  The  lady's  share  is  only  twenty 
pieces  of  the  stone,  and  his  reason  for  sending  her  so 
little  is  because  she  showed  Burraburiyash  no  sympathy 
when  he  was  in  some  serious  trouble,  or  affliction, 
or  illness  (B.  6). 

13.  Letter  from  Burraburiyash  to  Amenophis 
IV.    Burraburiyash  reports  that  he  has  been  ill,  and 
that  his  sickness  was  so  sore  that  he  could  not  enter- 
tain the  Egyptian  envoy,  who,  in  consequence,  has 
neither  eaten  nor  drunk  with  him  ;  he  was  very  ill  and 
expected  to  die,  and  was  very  angry  because  Amenophis 
had  not  sent  him  letters  of  condolence.    Eventually  he 
spoke  to  the  Egyptian  envoy  about  it,  and  he  pointed 
out  that  the  distance  between  Karaduniyash  and  Egypt 
was  so  great  that  it  was  impossible  for  the  king  of 
Egypt  to  have  heard  anything  about  his  sickness ; 
when  this  view  was  also  taken  by  the  envoy  of  Burra- 
buriyash he  was  satisfied,  and  he  now  writes  to  say 
that  he  will  maintain   his  friendly  relations  with 
Amenophis.    He  reports  the  despatch  to  Egypt  of  the 
Egyptian  envoy,  and  asks  Amenophis  to  send  back  the 
Mesopotamian  envoy ;  as  the  road  is  dangerous,  and 
water  is  scarce,  and  the  heat  is  great,  he  only  sends 
a  small  gift  now,  but  he  hopes  to  send  a  second  mes- 
senger to  Egypt  who  will  bring  many  pretty  things 
to  Amenophis.    The  gold  which  had  been  sent  from 
Egypt  had  turned  out  to  be  full  of  alloy,  and  of  inferior 
quality,  and  Burraburiyash  begs  that  more  may  be 
sent  to  him,  only  he  hopes  that  Amenophis  will  himself 


200        BURRABURIYASH  AND  AMEN-HETEP  IV. 

inspect  it,  and  make  certain  that  it  really  is  of  the 
finest  quality.  Burraburiyash  next  complains  that  his 
envoy  Salmu  has  been  twice  robbed  on  his  road  to 
Egypt,  the  first  time  by  Biriainaza,  and  the  second  time 
by  Pamahu  ;  and  inasmuch  as  the  territory  in  which 
the  robberies  tooks  place  was  under  the  rule  of  Egypt, 
he  demands  that  his  envoy  shall  be  admitted  into  the 
king's  presence,  and  that  his  loss  shall  be  made  good 
to  him  by  the  king  of  Egypt  (B.  7). 

14.  Letter  from  Burraburiyash  to  Amenophis 
IV.  Burraburiyash  refers  to  the  treaty  of  peace  which 
has  been  concluded  between  them,  and  then  goes  on  to 
report  that  a  number  of  his  merchants,  who  were 
journeying  with  [his  envoy]  Ahi-Tabu,  tarried  for 
purposes  of  trade  in  the  city  of  Kinahhi ;  after  Ahi- 
Tabu  had  gone  on  his  way,  Shurnadda,  the  son  of 
Balumini,  and  Shutatna,  the  son  of  Shuratu,  a  native 
of  Acco,  sent  their  followers  after  the  merchants,  and 
having  overtaken  them  in  the  city  of  Hinaton  they 
killed  them  and  took  possession  of  their  goods.  Burra- 
buriyash at  once  sent  his  envoy  to  report  the  matter 
to  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  he  advises  Amenophis  to 
question  the  man  about  it.  He  then  calls  upon  Amen- 
ophis to  make  good  the  value  of  the  property  which 
has  been  stolen  in  his  country,  and  to  slay  the  men 
who  slew  the  merchants,  for  unless  he  does  so  more 
merchants,  and  perhaps  even  government  envoys,  will 
be  killed,  and  the  trade  between  the  two  countries 
will  be  destroyed,  and  the  influence  of  Amenophis 


ASHUR-UBALLIT  AND  AMEN-HETEP  IV.  201 

himself  in  the  land  will  be  diminished.  Shnmadda 
cut  off  the  feet  of  one  of  the  subjects  of  Burraburiyash 
and  kept  him  with  him,  and  Shutatna  having  healed 
another  of  his  wounds  kept  him  as  a  slave.  Burra- 
buriyash sends  a  gift  and  begs  Amenophis  to  let  his 
messenger  return  at  once  (B.  8). 

15.  Letter  from  Ashur-uballit,  King  of  Assyria, 
to  Amenophis  IV.  Ashur-uballit  enumerates  the  gifts 
which  he  is  sending  to  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  asks 
him  to  send  back  in  return  a  quantity  of  gold,  of 
which  he  has  great  need  because  he  is  building  a 
new  palace.  When  his  father  Ashur-nadin-ahi  sent 
to  Egypt  for  gold  20  talents  of  the  precious  metal 
were  sent  to  him,  and  when  the  king 1  of  Hanirabbat 
(or  Hanigalbat)  sent  for  gold  the  same  amount  was 
sent  to  him  ;  therefore  Ashur-uballit  expects  20  talents 
of  gold.  In  return  he  is  willing  to  give  Amenophis 
whatsoever  he  wants.  He  explains  that  he  did  not 
send  back  the  Egyptian  envoys  sooner,  for  had  he 
done  so,  the  Suti  would  have  sent  men  after  them, 
and  they  would  have  been  killed  to  a  certainty  (B.  9). 

16.  Letter  from  Tushratta,  King  of  Mitanni, 
to  Amenophis  IV.  The  writer  addresses  the  king  of 
Egypt  as  my  son-in-law,  "  whom  I  love,  and  who 
loves  me,"  and  sends  salutations  to  Thi,  the  mother  of 
Amenophis  IV.,  and  to  his  own  daughter  Tatum-khipa. 
He  refers  to  the  extremely  friendly  relations  which 

1  Probably  Tushratta,  for  Hanirabbat  was  a  nome,  or  part,  of 
Mitanni. 


202  TUSHRATTA  AND  AMEN-HETEP  IV. 

had  always  existed  between  himself  and  Ainenophis 
III.,  and  bids  Amenophis  IV.  ask  his  mother  Thi 
about  them.  He  then  goes  on  to  say  that  his  grand- 
father, Artatama,  was  asked  for  his  daughter  six  times 
in  vain  by  Thothmes  IV.,  and  that  he  only  consented 
to  give  her  to  him  on  the  seventh  application  ;  Tush- 
ratta's  father,  Shutarna,  was  asked  for  his  daughter 
five  times  in  vain  by  Amenophis  III.,  and  it  was 
only  on  the  sixth  application  that  he  consented  to 
give  Gilukhipa,  Tushratta's  sister,  to  him.  Amen- 
ophis III.  next  sent  to  Tushratta  and  asked  for  his 
daughter  Tatum-khipa,  and  at  length  she  went  to 
Egypt  to  become  a  wife  of  the  king ;  her  dowry  was 
paid  to  the  Egyptian  envoy  Hamashshi  within  three 
months,  and  Amenophis  was  well  pleased.  He  gave 
gifts  to  the  envoys,  but  the  gift  which  he  sent  to 
Tushratta  was  a  poor  one.  He,  however,  promised  to 
send  to  Tushratta  certain  gold  statues,  but  they  were 
never  sent,  for  Amenophis  died,  and  Tushratta  assures 
Amenophis  IV.  that  his  grief  was  so  sore  when  he  heard 
the  news  that  he  lifted  up  his  voice  and  wept ;  when 
he  heard  later  that  Amenophis  IV.  had  succeeded 
him  he  was  much  comforted,  for  he  knew  that  the 
friendly  relations  which  existed  between  Mitanni 
and  Egypt  would  be  maintained.  Tushratta  next 
recalls  the  circumstances  under  which  the  promise  to 
give  the  gold  statues  was  made,  and  says  that  Amen- 
ophis IV.  did  on  one  occasion  send  statues  to  him 
by  the  hands   of  Giliya   and   Mani,  but  that  the 


TUSHRATTA  AND  THI,  QUEEN  OF  EGYPT  203 


statues  were  made  of  tvood.  Kelying,  however,  upon 
the  old  friendship,  he  asks  Amenophis  IV.  to  fulfil 
his  father's  promise,  and  to  send  him  the  gold  statues, 
for  which  he  now  makes  a  second  request.  The 
letter  concludes  with  some  remarks  about  some  weapons 
of  war  which  Tushratta  had  been  meaning  to  despatch 
for  some  time  past,  but  had  not  done  so  because 
Amenophis  IV.  had  not  sent  the  gold  which  he  re- 
quired, and  some  allusions  to  the  delay  which  had 
occurred  in  sending  back  the  envoys  from  Egypt 
(B.  24). 

17.  Letter  from  Tushratta  to  Thi,  Queen 
of  Egypt.  After  salutations  to  the  queen,  and  to 
her  son,  and  to  "thy  daughter-in-law,"1  Tatuin-khipa, 
he  refers  to  the  ancient  friendship  between  the  royal 
houses  of  Mitanni  and  Egypt,  and  reminds  her  that 
she  knows  better  than  any  one  else  how  firm  this 
friendship  was.  He  recalls  the  message  which  she  had 
sent  to  him  by  the  hands  of  Giliya,  the  Egyptian  envoy, 
begging  him  to  be  a  friend  to  her  son  Amenophis  IV., 
and  asking  him  to  send  envoys  with  peaceful  salutations 
as  before.  He  then  mentions  her  husband's  promise 
to  send  him  statues  of  gold,  and  complains  that  the 
two  statues  which  her  son  had  actually  sent  were 
made  of  icood,  and  asks  Thi  to  bring  the  matter 

1  The  words  kallati-ka  can  have  no  other  meaning,  and  it  wonld 
therefore  seem  as  if  Tatnm-khipa  married  Amenophis  IV.  and  also 
Amenophis  III.,  who  seems  to  have  died  shortly  after  her  arrival 
in  Egypt. 


204  TUSHRATTA  AND  AMEN-HETEP  IV. 

under  his  notice.  He  hopes  that  Thi  will  send  an 
envoy  to  his  wife  Inni  in  company  with  the  envoy 
of  Amenophis  IV.  to  himself,  and  promises  that  Iuni 
shall  send  an  envoy  in  return  to  her ;  Tushratta  sends 
Thi  a  gift  of  "good  oil,"  etc.  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,794). 

18.  Letter  from  Tushratta  to  Amenophis  IV. 
Tushratta  acknowledges  gratefully  the  receipt  of  the 
gifts  which  had  been  sent  to  him  from  Egypt,  but 
he  complains  that  the  two  gold  statues  which  had 
been  made  and  exhibited  to  his  envoy  Giliya  had 
never  been  sent  to  him,  and  that  two  made  of  wood 
were  all  the  statues  which  he  had  received.  He  is 
quite  willing  to  maintain  the  old  friendly  relations 
with  Egypt,  but  if  he  does  the  two  statues  of  gold 
must  be  sent  to  him,  in  addition  to  the  gold  which 
he  needs.  He  mentions  the  gifts  which  he  is  sending 
to  Amenophis  IV.  and  to  the  queen-mother  Thi, 
and  to  Tatum-khipa  his  sister,  and  states  that  he  is 
sending  his  letter  by  the  hand  of  the  envoy  Perizzi  • 
on  the  tablet  is  inscribed  a  hieratic  note,  which  states 
that  it  was  received  in  the  first  month  of  winter  in 
the  twelfth  year  [of  the  reign  of  Amenophis  IV.] 
(B.  23.) 

19.  Letter  from  Tushratta  to  Amenophis  IV. 
Tushratta  says  that  he  has  once  before  sent  his  envoys 
Perizzi  and  Bubri  to  Egypt,  and  begs  that  now  he  is 
sending  them  again  Amenophis  will  let  them  return 
quickly  with  gifts  from  him ;  if  he  does,  Mani,  the 
Egyptian  envoy,  shall  be  sent  back  to  Egypt  quickly, 


ALASHIYA  AND  EGYPT  205 

and  there  is,  meanwhile,  no  need  to  be  anxious  about 
him.    (In  a  private  collection.) 

20.  A  group  of  Letters  written  chiefly  by  the  King 
of  Alashiya  1  to  the  "  King  of  Egypt."  (1)  Letter 
announcing  the  despatch  of  500  [talents  of]  copper, 
and  saying  that  more  would  have  been  sent  but  for  the 
fact  that  the  hand  of  Nergal  (i.e.,  the  plague)  had  slain 
all  the  people ;  silver,  oil,  etc.,  are  asked  for  in  return. 
A  citizen  of  Alashiya  has  died  in  Egypt,  and  the  writer 
asks  the  king  to  send  back  his  effects  ;  the  king  is  also 
begged  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  kings  of  Hatti 
and  Shanhar  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,788).  (2)  Letter 
announcing  the  despatch  of  five  talents  of  copper,  and 
five  pairs  of  horses,  and  asking  for  silver  in  return,  as 
well  as  the  return  of  the  envoys  Pashtummi,  Kunia, 
Itilluna,  .  .  .  gurumma,  Ushbarra,  and  Bil-ram  (Brit. 
Mus.  No.  29,790).  (3)  Letter  announcing  the  despatch 
of  100  talents  of  copper,  and  asking  for  certain  gifts  in 
return,  and  suggesting  the  making  of  an  alliance 
(Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,789).  (4)  Letter  disclaiming  any 
connexion  with  the  Lukki  who  have  raided  Egyptian 
territory,  and  saying  that  they  have  also  plundered  the 
city  of  Sihru  in  Alashiya  (B.  11).  (5)  Letter  asking 
that  the  Alashiyan  envoy  be  sent  back  quickly,  and 


1  This  country  has  been  identified  with  Cyprus  because  copper 
was  exported  from  it  to  Egypt ;  the  Egyptian  form  of  the  name  is 

Alesa  or  Alusa,  (j  ^jj  <~~^>  ^  ^  r^^i  .    A  group  of  notes  on  the 

country  will  be  found  in  Hall,  Oldest  Civilization  of  Gretce,  p.  163. 


206  ADAD-NIRARI  AND  ABD-ASHRATUM 


warning  the  king  of  Egypt  not  to  let  his  officials 
interfere  unduly  with  the  Alashiyan  merchants  and 
their  ship  (B.  12).  (6)  Letter  to  Amenophis  IV.  (?), 
announcing  despatch  of  200  talents  of  copper,  and 
asking  for  the  envoy's  return  (B.  15).  (7)  Letter 
referring  to  a  despatch  of  copper,  and  asking  for  some- 
thing in  exchange  (B.  19).  (8  and  9)  Letters  from  the 
chief  official  of  Alashiya  to  the  chief  official  of  Egypt 
announcing  despatch  of  gifts,  and  pointing  out  that  as 
the  ship  and  its  goods  are  royal  property  they  must  not 
be  interfered  with  by  the  Egyptian  officials  (B.  13). 

21.  Letter  from  Adad-nirari,  King  of  Nu- 
hashshi,1  mentioning  that  his  grandfather  was 
appointed  governor  of  the  district  by  Thothmes  III.,2 
and  reporting  that  the  Hatti  king  is  troubling  him 
greatly  (B.  30). 

22.  Three  Letters  from  Abd-Ashratum,  Governor 
of  Amurri,  reporting  his  fidelity,  and  asking  for  help, 
and  saying  that  he  is  trying  to  keep  his  hold  upon 
Sumur  and  Ullaza  on  behalf  of  the  king  of  Egypt ; 
Abd-Ashratum's  chief  was  called  Pahanati  (Brit.  Mus. 
Nos.  29,816  and  29,817  ;  B.  97). 

23.  Letter  from  the  People  of  Tunip,  near 
Aleppo,  referring  to  the  help  which  Thothmes  III.  gave 
their  city  during  his  reign,  and  saying  that  they  feel 
they  are  being  given  over  to  the  enemy;  they  have 

1  A  district  in  Aleppo. 


8  Mauakhbirya  =    OH  gj  I,  Men-kheper-Ra. 


AZIRU  AND  THE  KING  OF  EGYPT 


207 


asked  each  year  for  twenty  years,  but  in  vain,  that 
Iadi-Addu  [their  old  governor]  might  be  restored  to 
them.  The  rebel  Aziru  has  already  robbed  a  caravan 
of  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  if  help  be  not  sent  soon 
Tunip  will  fall,  as  the  city  Ni  has  already  done,  into 
the  hands  of  Aziru,  and  if  he  succeeds  in  capturing 
Sumur  all  will  indeed  be  lost  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,824). 

24.  Group  of  eight  Letters  from  Aziru  to  the 
King,  assuring  him  of  his  fidelity  and  submission,  and 
promising  to  send  tribute,  and  saying  that  he  would 
have  obeyed  the  orders  of  Hai,  the  Egyptian  general, 
and  come  to  court  with  Hatib  if  he  had  not  been  pre- 
vented from  doing  so  by  the  raid  of  the  Hatti  on 
Nuhashshi ;  he  would  have  rebuilt  Sumur  but  for  the 
same  reason.  He  denies  the  accusations  made  against 
him,  and  asks  for  troops  to  help  him  to  protect  the 
land  on  behalf  of  the  king.  He  describes  his  fidelity 
in  these  words :  "  To  my  lord,  the  king,  my  god,  my 
"sun;  Aziru  thy  servant.  Seven  times  and  seven 
"  times  I  prostrate  myself  at  the  feet  of  the  king,  my 
"lord,  my  god,  my  sun"  (B.  31,  33,  34,  34a,  36,  37, 
38,40). 

25.  Letter  from  the  King  to  Aziru,  complaining 
of  his  conduct  in  respect  of  Rib-Addu,  his  brother,  the 
king  of  Gebal  (Byblos).  Aziru  seems  to  have  declined 
a  bribe  from  his  brother  to  bring  him  into  his  city,  and 
the  king  hearing  of  this  asks  him  how  he  can  write 
to  him  declaring  that  he  is  a  loyal  servant  of  his  whilst 
he  is  committing  such  an  act.    Moreover,  when  Rib- 


208 


AZIRU  AND  THE   KING  OF  EGYPT 


Add u  was  in  Sidon,  Aziru  did  not  help  him  to  go  to 
the  king  in  Egypt,  but  placed  him  in  the  hands  of  the 
local  kings,  well  knowing  how  hostile  they  were ; 
therefore  the  king  thinks  that  Aziru's  words  are  not 
true,  and  in  future  he  will  feel  compelled  to  put  no 
faith  in  any  statement  he  may  make.  But  besides  this, 
it  has  come  to  the  ears  of  the  king  that  Aziru  has  been 
on  terms  of  friendship  with  the  prince  of  Kadesh,  the 
enemy  of  the  king,  and  that  he  has  been  supplying  him 
with  meat  and  drink,  and  the  king  knows  that  the 
report  which  he  has  heard  is  true.  It  is  clear  that 
Aziru  cannot  in  such  a  case  be  loyal  both  to  the  prince 
of  Kadesh  and  to  the  king  his  lord,  and  cannot  even  be 
studying  his  own  interests  by  behaving  in  such  a  way. 
At  the  present  time  "  those  whom  thou  didst  try  to 
"  burn  are  consuming  thee,  and  they  will  destroy  both 
"  thee  and  those  whom  thou  lovest,"  says  the  king ; 
"  if  thou  wast  loyal  to  thy  lord  the  king  there  is 
"  nothing  which  he  could  not  do  for  thee."  Next  the 
king  warns  him  that  unless  he  becomes  loyal  to  him, 
and  abstains  from  all  foolish  hostility  he  and  his  family 
shall  surely  die,  but  if  he  does  as  the  king  wishes  he 
shall  live,  for  the  king  has  no  desire  to  waste  the 
country  of  Kinahhi.  Finally  the  king  says  words  to 
this  effect :  You  have  excused  yourself  from  coming 
into  my  presence  in  Egypt,  and  have  promised  to  come 
next  year,  and  you  say  you  have  no  son  with  you  ;  very 
well,  I  excuse  you  this  year,  but  if  your  son  comes 
back  send  him  to  see  me,  by  whom  all  the  world  liveth. 


AZIRU  AND  THE  KING  OF  EGYPT  200, 

You  wrote  to  me  saying  that  you  wanted  me  to  send 
my  ambassador  Hanni  a  second  time  to  you,  promising 
that  if  I  did  so  you  would  send  me  the  rebels  by  his 
hands.  Behold,  my  ambassador  is  coming  according 
to  your  wish,  therefore  send  the  rebels  to  me  and  let 
not  one  of  them  escape,  and  that  you  may  the  more 
easily  do  this,  I  send  you  a  list  of  their  names,  which 
are  as  follows :  Sharru  and  his  sons,  Tuia,  Liia  and  his 
sons,  Yishiari  and  his  sons,  the  son-in-law  of  Malia 
and  his  sons  and  his  wives.  I  am  very  well,  I  the  sun 
in  the  heavens,  and  my  chariots  and  soldiers  are 
exceedingly  numerous,  and  from  Upper  Egypt  even 
unto  Lower  Egypt,  and  from  the  place  where  the  sun 
riseth  even  unto  the  place  where  he  setteth,  the  whole 
country  is  in  good  case  and  content  (B.  92). 

26.  Letter  from  Aziru  to  the  King  in  answer 
to  the  above.  He  declares  that  his  enemies  have 
slandered  him  to  the  king,  and  that  he  is,  and  always 
has  been,  the  king's  most  loyal  servant.  With  refer- 
ence to  the  matter  of  the  envoy  Hani,  Aziru  was  in 
Tunip  when  he  arrived,  and  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  his 
arrival  he  set  out  to  go  to  him,  but  could  not  overtake 
him.  Aziru's  brother,  however,  gave  him  cattle,  sheep, 
goats,  and  meat  and  drink,  and  also  provided  him  with 
horses  and  asses  for  his  journey.  In  answer  to  the 
king's  accusation  that  he  tried  to  get  out  of  Hani's 
way,  Aziru  appeals  to  the  sun  and  to  the  other  gods  of 
Egypt  to  confirm  his  statement  that  he  was  in  Tunip. 
Aziru  says  :  The  king  ordered  me  to  build  Simyra,  but 

VOL.  iv.  p 


210  RIB-ADDA  AND  THE  KING  OF  EGYPT 

as  the  kings  of  Nuhashshi  are  hostile  to  me,  and  led 
by  Hatib  the  foe  are  taking  my  cities,  how  can  I  build 
it  ?  I  will,  however,  make  haste  to  build  it,  only  the 
king  must  know  that  half  of  the  materials  which  the 
king  gave  me,  and  all  the  gold  and  silver,  Hatib  hath 
carried  off.  Of  course  I  did  receive  the  envoy  of  Hatti 
with  due  honour,  and  if  the  king  will  only  send  his 
envoy  I  will  give  to  him  everything  I  promised  to  give. 
Meanwhile  let  the  king  send  ships,  and  chariots,  and 
arms,  etc.  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,818). 

27.  Letters  from  Eib-Adda,  king  of  Gebal,  to 
the  King,  in  which  he  reports  the  following  facts 
concerning  the  revolt  in  Palestine  and  Syria,  and 
says:  1.  Abd-Ashratum  the  "dog"  has  taken  posses- 
sion of  Simyra,  and  the  king  must  send  an  Egyptian 
officer  to  turn  him  out,  and  also  a  number  of  officials 
to  carry  on  the  business  of  the  king  in  the  city,  other- 
wise he  will  seize  the  property  of  the  gods  of  Egypt. 
Gebal  and  Hikubta  belong  to  the  king.  Send  back 
my  servant  Abd-Ninib,  whom  I  sent  with  Buhiya 
(B.  73).  The  city  of  Gebal  is,  and  always  has  been 
loyal,  but  now  the  Habiri  are  very  powerful.  We 
have  had  to  give  up  everything  to  Yarimuta  that  we 
might  have  food  to  eat;  my  fields  yield  no  harvest 
because  we  cannot  sow  corn ;  and  all  my  cities,  both 
those  in  the  mountains  and  those  on  the  shores,  have 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Habiri.  Abd-Ashratum 
has  seized  Shigata,  and  persuaded  the  people  of 
Ammiva  to  kill  their  lord ;  and  they  have  done  so. 


Letter  from  Rib-Adda  to  the  king  of  Egypt,  reporting  the  progress  of  the 
rebellion  under  Aziru.    British  Museum,  No.  29,801. 


RIB-ADDA  AND  THE  KING  OF  EGYPT  213 

He  has  now  written  to  Bit-Ninib  and  told  the  people 
thereof  to  do  the  same.    As  for  me,  I  am  shut  up  like 
a  bird  in  a  cage,  and  I  fear  that  there  is  none  to  deliver 
me.    I  wrote  to  the  palace  of  the  king,  but  no  attention 
was  paid  to  my  letter ;  why  will  you  not  attend  to  the 
affairs  of  your  land  ?    Amanappa  the  Egyptian  official 
is  with  you,  question  him  therefore,  for  he  knows  how 
great  is  the  trouble  which  has  come  upon  me  (Brit. 
Mus.  No.  29,795).    Abd-Ashratum  is  trying  to  take 
the  last  two  of  my  cities,  and  that  "dog,"  having 
collected  a  number  of  the  Habiri,  has  taken  Shigata 
and  Ambi,  and  I  have  nowhere  to  flee;  Simyra  also  is 
in  their  hands.    Send  soldiers  under  an  able  officer, 
and  regain  your  former  hold  upon  the  land.    I  beg  the 
king  not  to  neglect  this  matter  (B.  74).  Abd-Ashratum 
has  heard  that  I  have  reported  his  dealings  to  the 
king,  but  it  has  had  no  effect  upon  him  (B.  50).  Since 
Amanappa' s  arrival  all  the  Habiri  have  been  against 
me;   the  "dog"  Abd-Ashratum  is   still   trying  to 
capture  my  two  cities,  and  the  king  must  send  troops 
here  to  me,  for  I  am  shut  up  in  Gebal  like  a  bird  in  a 
cage  with  nothing  to  eat.    If  you  cannot  send  soldiers, 
then  the  "dog"  will  gain  possession  of  your  lands 
(B.  75).    Why  has  not  an  answer  been  sent  to  my 
application  for  men  and  horses?    If  I  were  to  make 
friends  with  Abd-Ashratum,  as  Yapa-Adda  and  Zimrida 
did,  I  should  be  delivered.    Yankhamu  ought  to  send 
me  food,  and  you  should  tell  him  that  you  will  hold 
him  responsible  for  my  safety.    If  you  will  not  do  this 


214         RIB-ADDA  AND  THE  KING  OF  EGYPT 

I  must  try  to  escape  from  the  city  with  the  friends 
whom  I  have  left  to  me  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,797).  I  am 
in  Berut ;  send  me  help  as  fast  as  you  can  (B.  84). 
All  the  cities  except  Berut  have  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  Habiri,  but  even  now,  if  you  send  troops,  all 
will  be  well  (B.  86).  Abd-Ashratum  is  deceiving  the 
people,  and  the  Shirdana  and  the  Suti,  saying  that  he 
is  their  lord.  I  am  still  shut  up  in  the  city,  no  answers 
come  to  my  letters,  and  in  two  months'  time  Abd- 
Ashratum  will  be  master  of  the  whole  country  (B.  89). 
I  have  written  to  the  king  and  told  him  several  times 
that  the  enemy  are  closing  in  round  the  city  of  Gebal, 
and  the  "  dog "  Abd-Ashratum  has  captured  the  city 
of  Berut,  and  is  coming  against  me.  Behold,  the  city 
of  Shuarbi  is  the  gate  of  Gebal,  and  as  soon  as  you 
march  out  he  will  depart  therefrom ;  at  present  I 
cannot  move  outside  my  city.  I  beg  you  to  hearken 
to  me  and  send  chariots  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  I 
will  endeavour  to  hold  this  city  until  they  come.  If 
you  will  not  hearken  Gebal  must  fall,  and  the  whole 
country  as  far  as  Egypt  will  be  in  the  possession  of 
the  Habiri ;  I  am  not  strong  enough  to  hold  this  city 
without  help.  Although  Gebal  has  always  been  loyal 
the  envoy  of  the  king  of  Accho  was  more  honourably 
received  than  was  mine,  and  horses  were  given  to  him 
(Brit.  Mus.  29,800).  I  have  already  told  the  king 
that  for  two  years  we  have  had  no  harvest,  and  now 
we  have  no  grain  to  eat.  I  beg  you  to  send  me  grain 
in  ships  to  keep  me  and  my  city  alive,  and  send  me 


RIB-ADDA  AND  THE  KING  OF  EGYPT  215 

400  men  and  30  pairs  of  horses ;  let  the  grain  which 
used  to  be  sent  to  Simyra  be  sent  to  me.  The  king  of 
Tana  went  against  Simyra  and  intended  to  come 
against  Gebal,  but  he  had  no  water  for  his  troops  and 
therefore  had  to  turn  back.  If  only  one  king  would 
join  me  I  could  drive  Abd-Ashratum  out  of  Amurri. 
Since  the  time  when  your  father  [i.e.,  Amen-hetep  III.] 
left  Sidon,  the  lands  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
Habiri  (B.  48).  Behold,  Tyre  is  in  a  state  of  rebellion, 
and  if  you  doubt  my  words  ask  my  brother  Yamilki. 
I  sent  my  possessions  to  Tyre  for  safety,  but  now  the 
Tyrians  have  slain  their  general  and  also  my  sister  and 
her  sons.  I  sent  my  sister's  daughters  to  Tyre  fearing 
Abd-Ashirta  (B.  49).  My  messenger  has  returned 
from  Egypt  and  brought  no  soldiers  with  him,  and 
now  my  brother,  seeing  this,  will  turn  against  me.  I 
cannot  come  to  Egypt,  for  I  am  old,  and  I  am  sick, 
very  sick.  The  gods  of  Gebal  are  wroth  with  me,  for 
I  have  sinned  against  them.  I  have  sent  a  message  to 
you  by  my  son,  do  hearken  unto  him  and  send  me 
soldiers ;  for  on  the  very  day  on  which  soldiers  came  to 
Gebal  the  city  would  return  to  him.  I  am  doing  my 
utmost  to  hold  the  city,  but  my  brother  is  stirring  up 
the  people  to  deliver  it  into  the  hands  of  the  sons  of 
Abd-Ashratum.  Do  not,  do  not  forsake  the  city,  for  in 
it  there  are  much  gold  and  silver,  and  the  temples  are 
full  of  possessions,  all  of  which  will  be  theirs  if  they 
take  the  city.  But  do  as  you  please  in  respect  of  me, 
only  give  me  Buruzilim  to  live  in ;  if  Gebal  falls  then 


2l6  RIB-ADDA  AND  THE  KING  OF  EGYPT 

I  shall  go  to  Arnmunira.  Since  the  sons  of  Abd- 
Ashratum  are  gaining  the  mastery  over  me,  and  no 
word  (literally,  breath)  comes  to  me  from  the  month  of 
the  king,  I  declare  unto  my  lord  that,  indeed,  Gebal 
will  be  their  city.  In  ancient  days  when  the  king- 
neglected  this  city  our  fathers  did  not  pay  tribute  to 
him  ;  do  not  you  neglect  it  (B.  71).  You  say,  "defend 
yourself,"  but  how  can  I  do  it  ?  You  have  sent  me 
neither  foot  nor  horse-soldiers ;  what  will  become  of 
me  ?  I  will  defend  your  city  with  my  life,  and  do  not 
hearken  unto  those  who  slander  me ;  even  if  there  be 
none  to  testify  to  my  loyalty  you  know  that  it  exists 
all  the  same  (B.  44).  The  forces  of  Abd-Ashratum  are 
joining  the  Habiri  and  are  going  to  attack  me  ;  send 
troops  (B.  59).  If  you  send  men  and  horses  from  Egypt 
and  Miluha  at  once  and  with  all  speed  I  may  live  to  serve 
the  king  again  ;  I  have  no  money  to  buy  horses.  If 
your  heart  has  any  care  for  the  city  and  for  my  life, 
send  soldiers.  Yon  wish  that  Haia  should  be  taken  to 
Simyra,  and  I  say  that  he  arrived  there  with  his  letter 
in  the  night  time,  and  I  gave  13  manehs  of  silver,  etc., 
to  the  Habiri  as  a  gift ;  I  have  nothing  more  to  give 
(B.  57).  I  sent  two  messengers  to  Egypt,  but  they  did 
not  return  ;  they  carried  a  letter  from  me  to  you.  You 
complain  that  I  write  evil  tidings,  but  if  you  had  paid 
heed  to  my  words  Aziru  would  have  been  captured. 
If  I  receive  no  help  the  Habiri  will  take  the  country, 
and  if  you  will  not  send  me  soldiers  then  instruct 
Yankhamu  and  Bihura  to  go  forth  and  they  can  occupy 


RIB-ADDA  AND  THE  KING  OF  EGYPT  2IJ 

the  country  ot  Amurru  in  one  day.  I  have  a  dispute 
with  Yapa-Adda  and  Hatib ;  send  someone  to  judge 
between  us,  and  whatsoever  shall  be  taken  from  them 
shall  be  the  property  of  the  king.  Send  soldiers 
and  men  from  Miluha,  for  I  have  no  means  (B.  45). 
How  and  with  what  am  I  to  defend  myself  and  the 
city  ?  Once  there  were  soldiers  here,  and  Yarimuta 
sent  grain  to  feed  them ;  now  I  have  neither  cattle 
nor  provisions,  because  Aziru  by  his  raids  has  carried 
off  everything.  Meanwhile  the  sons  of  Abd-Ashratum 
are  "dogs,"  and  they  do  whatsoever  they  like,  and 
burn  the  king's  cities  with  fire  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,802). 
Bihura  has  committed  a  shameful  deed,  the  like  of 
which  has  never  been  heard  of:  he  hath  sent  the 
Suti  who  have  killed  the  Shirdanu.  Send  me  Abd- 
irama,  Nathan-Adda,  and  Abd-milki,  whom  Bihura 
sent  to  Egypt,  that  they  may  protect  me  ;  the  sons 
of  Abd-Ashratum  have  seized  the  land  (Brit.  Mus. 
No.  29,803).  I  am  in  Simyra,  send  me  help  as 
soon  as  possible,  for  the  people  are  disaffected  and 
will  run  away  if  you  do  not  send  me  soldiers ;  Irkata 
and  Simyra  are  the  only  two  places  left  to  you  in 
the  land,  for  the  sons  of  Abd-Ashratum  have  invaded 
Amurri  (B.  77).  I  have  sold  my  sons,  and  my 
daughters,  and  the  wood  from  my  houses  for  food 
to  Yarimuta,  and  I  have  nothing  left.  The  Habiri 
have  killed  Aduna,  king  of  Irkata ;  the  Hatti  have 
taken  all  the  huti  lands  :  and  the  kings  of  Mitanni 
and  Nahrina  are  hostile  (B.  79).    I  repeat  what  I 


2l8  RIB-ADDA  AND  THE  KING  OF  EGYPT 

have  already  said,  listen  to  what  I  say ;  let  Buribita 
remain  in  Simyra  and  keep  Haib  with  you,  and 
make  him  your  inspector.  Aziru,  the  son  of  Abd- 
Ashratum,  is  before  Gebal,  send  therefore  soldiers 
to  capture  him,  for  otherwise  Simyra  cannot  hold 
out  (B.  41).  Aziru  has  captured  twelve  of  my  men, 
and  demands  as  ransom  50  manehs  of  silver ;  he  has 
captured  in  the  city  of  Yibuliya  the  men  I  sent  to 
Simyra  ;  I  am  besieged  by  a  fleet  of  ships  from  Simyra, 
Berut,  and  Sidon,  and  Yapa-Adda  and  Aziru  have 
captured  some  of  my  ships,  and  they  have  put  to 
sea  to  take  others.  If  you  cannot  help  me  seud  me 
word  so  that  I  may  know  what  to  do ;  your  enemies 
are  very  strong.  I  beg  you  to  tell  Yarimuta  to  send 
me  food ;  indeed  I  am  your  loyal  servant,  take  heed 
to  me,  for  I  love  my  lord  the  king  (Brit.  Mus.  No. 
29,796).  You  tell  me  to  occupy  Simyra,  but  I  am 
not  strong  enough ;  and  Ambi  has  now  rebelled  against 
me,  and  the  governors  of  that  city  and  its  elders  are 
in  league  with  Abd-Ashratum's  sons  (Brit.  Mus.  29,806). 
The  sons  of  Abd-Ashratum  have  seized  your  horses 
and  chariots.  Although  people  write  lies  to  you  about 
me  I  am  your  loyal  servant,  and  what  I  hear  I  will 
write  to  you.  These  men  are  "  dogs "  and  do  not 
fear  your  soldiers.  The  messages  of  other  kings  are 
attended  to,  but  mine  are  not ;  send  me  20  men  from 
Egypt  and  20  from  Miluha  (B.  42).  Simyra  is 
caught  like  a  bird  in  a  trap.  Abd-Ashratum  has 
seized  Ullaza  (B.  51).     Simyra  has   fallen,,  and  I 


RIB-ADDA  AND  THE  KING  OF  EGYPT  2ig 

could  not  prevent  it,  because  for  five  years  past  the 
people  have  been  hostile  to  me  (B.  43).  Buniabula, 
the  son  of  Abd-Ashratum,  hath  forced  his  way  into 
Ullaza,  and  the  cities  of  Ardata,  Yihliya,  Ambi,  and 
Shigata  are  his ;  he  and  his  brothers  are  in  league 
with  the  kiug  of  Mitanni  and  the  king  of  Kash. 
In  old  times  you  did  not  hesitate  to  act  if  enemies 
threatened  to  attack  your  cities,  and  now  that  they 
have  expelled  your  viceroy  and  taken  his  cities  why 
do  you  remain  inactive?  (B.  60).  Abd-Ashratum's 
sons  are  the  servants  of  the  kings  of  Mitanni,  and 
Kash,  and  Hatti  (B.  61).  We  have  received  some 
provisions  from  Yarimuta  through  the  intervention 
of  Pahamnata,  the  king's  officer;  the  foe  is  mighty, 
do  not  neglect  this  city  (B.  80).  I  am  not  in 
Berut,  and  if  you  order  me  to  leave  Gebal  it  will 
fall  into  Aziru's  hands.  I  sent  my  son  to  you,  but 
for  three  months  he  was  not  allowed  to  enter  your 
presence.  When  I  am  dead  my  sons  will  write  to 
you  and  ask  you  to  bring  them  back  into  their  city ; 
why  do  you  neglect  me  ?  (B.  58).  Sidon  and  Berut 
are  not  loyal  to  you,  therefore  send  an  officer  to 
occupy  them ;  if  the  present  inhabitants  leave  the 
city  the  Habiri  will  walk  into  it  (B.  54).  You  do 
not  attend  to  what  I  write  ;  if  you  neglect  your  cities 
the  Habiri  will  take  them,  for  all  the  governors  of 
cities  are  favourable  to  Abd-Ashratum  (B.  53).  Abd- 
Ashratum  has  been  troubling  me  for  a  long  time  past, 
and  I  wrote  to  your  father  [Amen-hetep  III.]  asking 


220  RIB-ADDA  AND  THE  KING  OF  EGYPT 


for  troops.  Haib  has  handed  over  Simyra,  and  you 
must  not  be  unmindful  of  the  killing  of  your  viceroy. 
If  you  delay  in  taking  action  Bihura  cannot  remain 
in  Kumidi,  and  all  your  chiefs  will  be  killed  (Brit. 
Mus.  No.  29,801).  My  family  urge  me  to  join  the 
son  of  Abd-Ashratum,  but  I  heed  them  not;  I  have 
often  written  to  you,  but  you  do  not  answer  my 
letters.  I  went  to  consult  with  Ammunira,  but  the 
house  was  closed  to  me.  I  await  the  arrival  of  your 
soldiers,  and  if  you  do  not  alter  your  mind  I  shall 
be  a  dead  man.  Two  men  and  two  women  have 
been  given  to  the  rebel  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,799). 
Simyra  has  fallen,  and  the  people  of  Gebal  who  were 
in  it  have  been  killed;  send  now  soldiers  and 
chariots  to  protect  the  city,  but  if  these  do  not  arrive 
during  the  summer  the  enemy  will  take  the  city  and 
slay  me.  Biuri,  the  king's  officer,  has  been  killed, 
and  the  Egyptian  official  Pahamnata  will  not  listen 
to  me.  If  it  be  said  there  is  no  food  here  for  troops, 
know  that  this  is  the  case  with  every  city  (Brit. 
Mus.  No.  29,807).  Though  the  king  announced  the 
arrival  of  Iribayashshi,  he  has  not  come.  If  you 
want  to  save  the  city  send  troops,  for  when  I  am 
dead  who  will  defend  the  city?  (B.  46).  I  cannot 
defend  the  city  because  you  do  not  keep  a  garrison 
here  as  your  fathers  did.  Pahura  has  sent  men  of 
the  Shuti  who  have  slain  the  Shirdani — a  most 
shameful  act;  he  also  sent  three  men  to  Egypt,  and 
since  that  time  the  city  has  been  in  revolt  against 


RIB-ADDA  AND  THE  KING  OF  EGYPT  221 


me  (B.  47).  Formerly  the  kings  of  Canaan  fled  at 
the  sight  of  the  king  of  Egypt,  but  now  they  do  not 
do  so,  and  the  sons  of  Abd-Ashratum  are  in  possession 
of  the  country.  I  am  unable  to  take  your  envoy  into 
Simyra,  for  all  my  cities  are  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
and  their  princes  are  my  foes  (B.  52).  You  must  get 
what  you  want  from  the  country  of  Zaluhhi  and  from 
the  city  of  Ugariti,  for  I  cannot  send  my  ships  there ; 
formerly  troops  and  money  were  sent  here  from  Egypt, 
but  now  nothing  comes.  Aziru  makes  war  on  me,  and 
the  other  princes  help  him  ;  their  ships  sail  wherever 
they  please  and  they  obtain  everything  they  want. 
The  men  of  the  Hatti  are  plundering  the  people  of 
G-ebal  (B.  76).  I  have  no  one  to  defend  me,  send  ships 
to  bring  me  and  my  gods  to  you  (B.  87).  Why  cannot 
I  send  letters  to  you  as  other  kings  do  ?  They  are  in 
possession  of  their  cities,  and  enjoy  rest.  What  have  I 
done  to  deserve  the  treatment  which  Yapa-Adda  has 
meted  out  to  me ;  two  of  my  ships  have  been  seized, 
and  my  possessions  carried  off,  and  I  ask  you  to  send 
an  officer  to  get  them  back  for  me  (B.  63).  The  city 
Gebal,  your  handmaiden,  and  I  your  servant,  are  loyal 
to  you.  All  the  cities  are  going  over  to  the  sons  of 
Abd-Ashratum,  and  they  have  revolted  against  me. 
Haib  is  with  you,  question  him,  and  if  it  is  your  good 
pleasure  send  soldiers  to  protect  your  cities  as  speedily 
as  you  can.  I  have  already  written  to  you  in  these 
terms,  but  have  received  no  answer  from  you  (B.  66). 
"  I  have  sent  my  son  to  my  lord  the  king,  my  god,  my 


222  RABIMUR,  THE  IRKATIANS,  ETC. 

"  sun,  let  my  lord  the  king,  my  god,  my  sun,  send 
"  chariots  with  my  son  to  defend  the  cities  of  my  lord 
"  the  king,  my  god,  my  sun.  Let  my  lord  the  king,  my 
"god,  my  sun,  send  chariots  to  bring  me  to  my  lord  the 
"  king,  my  god,  my  sun,  that  I  may  go  into  the  presence 
"of  my  lord  the  king,  my  god,  my  sun,  and  tell  him 
"  what  I  have  done.  Behold,  I  am  the  faithful  servant 
"of  my  lord  the  king,  my  god,  [my  sun],  and  behold,  I 
"  have  sent  a  messenger  into  the  presence  of  my  lord 
"  the  king,  my  god,  my  sun  "  (B.  198). 

28.  Letters  from  Rib-Adda  to  Amanappa,  ask- 
ing him  to  use  his  influence  at  the  Egyptian  court  to 
secure  the  despatch  of  soldiers,  and  to  send  him  help 
which  would  enable  him  to  regain  possession  of  Berut, 
which  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Abd-Ashratum 
since  Bib-Adda  had  sent  his  envoy  to  Egypt  (Brit. 
Mus.  Nos.  29,798,  29,804,  29,806,  etc.). 

29.  Letters  from  Rabimur  to  the  King. 
Rabimur  was  the  brother  of  Rib- Adda,  and  seized  the 
city  during  his  brother's  absence  in  Berut.  He  reports 
that  Aziru  has  killed  Aduna,  king  of  Irkata,  and  the 
king  of  Ammiya,  and  has  occupied  Amki,  and  is,  no 
doubt,  a  member  of  the  hostile  confederacy  which 
includes  the  king  of  Hatti  and  the  king  of  Narima,  i.e., 
Mesopotamia.  The  king  must  not  believe  the  accusa- 
tions which  have  been  made  against  him,  for  they  are 
absolutely  false,  as  the  Egyptian  officials  themselves 
can  testify  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,828  ;  B.  91). 

30.  Letter  from  the  people  of  Irkata  to  the 


AMMUNIRA  AND  AKIZZI 


223 


King,  stating  that  the  report  made  by  the  Egyptian 
official  who  had  been  sent  to  their  city  is  false,  and 
that  they  are  loyal  subjects  of  the  king  of  Egypt. 
They  had,  it  is  true,  fortified  their  city,  but  that  was 
against  Shanku,  and  they  were  waiting  for  help  from 
Egypt  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,825). 

31.  Letters  from  Ammunira,  Governor  of 
Berut,  to  the  King.  He  promises  to  do  all  that 
the  king  wishes,  expresses  his  loyalty,  and  says  that 
he  will  guard  his  city  on  the  king's  behalf,  and  will 
receive  Kib-Adda  when  he  comes,  and  will  send 
forward  the  king's  ships  as  soon  as  they  arrive  at 
Berut  (Brit.  Mus.  29,809,  29,810;  B.  211). 

32.  Letters  from  Akizzi,  Governor  of  Katna, 
to  Amenophis  III.  (1)  Akizzi  says  that  ever  since  his 
fathers  became  the  vassals  of  the  king  of  Egypt  his 
land  has  been  that  of  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  that 
when  the  Egyptian  troops  came  thereto  they  were 
supplied  with  meat,  and  drink,  and  cattle,  and  sheep, 
and  oil,  and  honey  ;  but  since  Katna  belongs  to  Egypt 
it  must  be  protected  by  Egyptian  troops  and  chariots, 
and  unless  they  be  sent  soon  Aziru  and  the  Hatti  will 
take  the  whole  district  of  Nuhashshi.  As  it  is,  Aziru 
has  carried  off  some  of  his  people,  and,  worse  than  that, 
the  king  of  Hatti  has  carried  off  the  statue  of  the 
Sun-god,  whose  worship  the  Egyptians  had  imposed 
upon  the  country,  on  which  the  Egyptian  king  had 
inscribed  his  name.  The  people  of  Akizzi  now  ask  the 
king  of  Egypt  to  send  money  enough  to  ransom  the 


224 


NAMYAWIZA  OF  KUMIDI 


people  who  have  been  carried  off,  and  to  get  back  the 
statue  of  the  Sun-god,  in  which  case  they  ask  the  king- 
to  inscribe  his  name  upon  it,  even  as  did  his  father 
(Brit,  Mus.  No.  29,819).  (2)  Akizzi  reports  that  he 
is  still  alive,  and  declares  that  if  he  receives  any  letters 
from  the  king  of  Hatti  he  will  send  them  on  to  Egypt ; 
he  goes  on  to  say  that  Aidagamma  is  hostile  to  him, 
and  that  Tiuwatti  of  Lapana  and  Arzauni  of  Euhizi 
are  in  league  with  him,  and  that  they  are  wasting  the 
land  with  fire.  On  the  other  hand,  the  kings  of 
Nuhashshi,  and  Zinsar,  and  Ni,  and  Kinanat  are,  like 
himself,  loyal  to  the  king.  The  king  of  Egypt  can,  of 
course,  do  as  he  pleases,  but  if  he  will  not  come 
himself  then  let  him  send  troops,  and  whatsoever  gifts 
he  needs  from  the  people  they  will  give  him.  If  Katna 
is  thought  anything  at  all  of  in  the  king's  mind  let 
him  send  troops  and  let  them  march  [at  once].  When 
once  Arzauni  and  Tiuwatti  are  in  the  land  of  Ubi,  and 
Dasha  is  in  the  land  of  Amma,  then  let  the  king 
understand  that  Ubi  no  longer  belongs  to  him ;  these 
men  send  daily  to  Aidagamma  and  say  to  him,  "  Go, 
conquer  all  the  land  of  Ubi."  As  Damascus  in  the 
land  of  Ubi  stretcheth  out  her  hand  to  the  feet  of  the 
king,  even  so  doth  Katna  stretch  out  her  hand  (Brit. 
Mus.  Nos.  29,812,  29,820). 

33.  Letter  from  Namyawiza,  Governor  of 
Kumidi,  to  the  King  of  Egypt.  Namyawiza  reports 
that  he  is  holding  Kumidi  for  the  king,  and  declares 
that  it  is  not  himself  but  Biridashwi  who  has  seized 


ITAKAMA  OF  KADESH 


225 


the  cities  of  Innuamma  and  Ashtarti  and  has  delivered 
them  over  to  the  Habiri ;  moreover,  the  king  of 
Busruna  and  the  king  of  Halunni  are  in  league  with 
him.  Arsawaya  has  occupied  Gizza  and  Shaddu,  and 
he  has,  moreover,  joined  in  a  conspiracy  against  the 
king  with  Aziru  and  Itakama,  and  he  is  also  in  league 
with  Biridashwi  to  attack  the  country  of  Abitu.  In 
another  letter  Namyawiza  reports  to  the  king  concern- 
ing the  raids  which  Biridashwi  and  Bawanamash  have 
made  into  the  royal  territory  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  92,826, 
B.  96,159). 

34.  Letter  from  Itakama,  Governor  of  Kadesh, 
to  the  King.  Itakama  reports  that  Namyawiza  has 
seized  certain  lands  and  wasted  them  with  fire,  and 
declares  that  he  is  a  loyal  subject,  a  fact  to  which 
Puhari  will  bear  testimony  ;  Namyawiza  has  delivered 
all  the  cities  belonging  to  Egypt  in  the  lands  of 
Kadesh  and  Ubi  into  the  hands  of  the  Habiri,  but 
Itakama  is  determined  to  collect  all  his  troops  and 
chariots,  and  he  will  march  against  him  and  destroy 
him  utterly,  and  he  concludes  with  the  words,  "I  am  a 
servant  of  my  lord  the  king  for  ever"  (B.  142). 

35.  Letter  from  Zimrida  of  Sidon  to  the  King. 
He  reports  that  Sidon  is  prosperous  and  that  he  is  ever 
ready  to  perform  his  lord's  wishes ;  but  the  king  must 
know  that  all  the  cities  over  which  he  had  •  been 
appointed  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Habiri,  and 
he  must  have  help  from  the  Egyptian  general  before  he 
can  regain  possession  of  them.    He  wishes  the  general 

VOL.  IV.  Q 


226 


ABI-MILKI,  KING  OF  TYRE 


to  give  back  the  cities  to  him  so  that  he  may  be  able  to 
serve  his  lord  the  king  even  as  his  fathers  did  in 
former  times  (B.  90,182). 

36.  Group  of  Letters  from  Abi-milki  of  Tyre  to 
the  King.  (1)  He  says  that  he  is  "  the  dust  beneath 
"  the  sandals  of  his  lord  the  king,  who  is  the  sun  which 
"  riseth  over  the  lands  each  day."  After  some  remarks 
as  to  the  joy  which  he  felt  on  the  receipt  of  the  king's 
words  he  expresses  his  devoted  loyalty,  and  says  that  he 
is  guarding  Tyre  for  the  king,  and  will  continue  to  do  so 
until  the  Egyptian  troops  come  and  give  him  water  to 
drink  and  wood  to  burn  to  keep  him  warm.  But  the 
king  must  know  that  Aziru,  the  son  of  Abd-Ashratum, 
is  in  league  with  Zimrida  of  Sidon.  (2)  Abi-milki  asks 
for  troops  to  defend  Tyre,  and  then  he  will  go  and  see 
the  face  of  the  king.  Aziru  has  been  doing  evil,  and 
certain  rebels  have  betrayed  Simyra  into  his  hands, 
and  what  is  very  serious,  Zimrida  of  Sidon  hath  seized 
Ulzu.  It  is  known  from  one  of  the  Sallier  Papyri 1 
that  Tyre  was  supplied  with  water  by  means  of  boats, 
and  Ulzu  was  the  name  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  of  the 
place  from  which  it  was  brought ;  this  place  was,  no 
doubt,  on  the  mainland.  Abi-milki's  position  was 
desperate,  for,  as  he  says,  he  has  neither  wood,  nor 
water,  nor  the  materials  for  performing  the  last  offices 
for  the  dead.  Zimrida  is  in  league  with  Aziru,  and  the 
people  of  Arvad  have  collected  their  ships  and  have 
gathered  together  their  soldiers  and  chariots,  meaning 

1  See  Tell  el-Amarna  Tablets  in  the  British  Museum^  p.  lvii. 


ABI-MILKI,  KING  OF  TYRE 


227 


to  make  an  attack  upon  Tyre  by  sea  and  by  land.  Abi- 
milki  entreats  the  king  to  send  him  a  letter  so  that  be 
may  go  and  see  the  king,  and  be  states  tbat  be  is 
obliged  to  send  this  tablet  to  the  king  by  the  hand 
of  a  common  soldier.  (3)  Abi-milki  entreats  the  king- 
to  send  twenty  men  to  protect  Tyre,  and  begs  for  wood 
and  water,  for  all  his  communications  with  the  main- 
land have  been  cut  off,  and  since  the  enemy  has 
blockaded  him  he  has  not  been  able  to  obtain  either 
wood  or  water.  In  answer  to  the  king's  demand  for 
information,  he  reports  that  the  king  of  Danuna  is 
dead,  that  his  brother  has  succeeded  him,  and  that  the 
country  is  peaceful.  Half  of  the  city  of  Ugarit  has 
been  burnt  with  fire,  Itakama  has  captured  the  city 
of  Kadesh,  Aziru  has  joined  Namyawiza,  and  Zimrida 
has  collected  a  number  of  ships ;  Abi-milki  begs 
earnestly  for  help.  (4)  After  salutations  to  the  "ever- 
lasting Sun-god,"  i.e.,  the  king,  Abi-milki  refers  to  the 
royal  command  which  ordered  him  to  provide  Shalmayati 
with  corn  and  water,  and  reports  that  this  has  not  been 
done,  and  suggests  that  the  king  must  make  his  own 
arrangements  for  doing  this.  The  king  must  know  that 
in  Tyre  there  is  neither  wood,  nor  water,  nor  anything 
which  can  be  eaten.  Abi-milki  begs  the  king  to  defend 
"  Shalmayati's  city,"  and  he  reports  the  arrival  of  the 
king  of  Sidon  in  a  ship,  and  declares  that  he  (Abi-milki) 
will  depart  with  his  ships  from  Tyre.  (5)  Abi-milki 
reports  that  he  has  sent  a  gift  to  the  king,  and  asks 
him  to  cause  the  city  of  Usu,  whence  he  obtained  his 


228 


SURATA  AND  ZATANA 


water  supply,  to  be  restored  to  him,  and  to  send  him 
food  for  himself,  and  ten  companies  (?)  of  soldiers  to 
defend  the  city.  The  Egyptian  general  does  not  seem 
to  be  behaving  loyally  to  Abi-milki,  for  he  does  not 
allow  him  to  obtain  supplies  from  the  city  of  Usu  on 
the  mainland.  The  kings  of  Sidon  and  Hasor  have 
joined  themselves  to  the  Habiri,  and  the  king  should 
take  back  from  them  the  land  which  they  now  hold  ;  he 
can  inquire  on  this  matter  of  his  officer  who  is  in 
Kinahhi.  (G)  Abi-milki  reports  that  now  the  Egyptian 
troops  have  left  Tyre  Zimrida  will  not  allow  him  to  go 
to  the  mainland  for  wood  and  water ;  he  has  already 
slain  some  of  Abi-milki's  forces,  and  the  king  is 
entreated  earnestly  to  protect  his  servant  (Brit.  Mus. 
Nos.  28-31,  B.  98,  99,  162,  231). 

37.  Letters  from  Surata  of  Accho  to  the  King, 
reporting  his  fidelity,  and  describing  himself  as  "  the 
"  servant  of  the  king,  the  dust  of  his  feet,  and  the  earth 
"  on  which  he  walketh  ; "  he  says,  "  At  the  feet  of  my 
"  lord  the  king,  who  is  the  sun  in  heaven,  seven  times 
"and  seven  times  with  belly  and  back  I  prostrate 
"  myself."  And  in  a  verbose  fashion  he  asks,  "  When 
"  the  sun  in  the  heavens  speaketh,  what  king  would  not 
" hearken  and  obey?"  (B.  93). 

38.  Letters  from  Zatana,  king  of  Accho,  to  the 
King,  saying  that  Shuta,  an  Egyptian  official,  has 
ordered  him  to  give  up  Zirdaiashda,  who  has  taken 
refuge  with  him  from  before  the  anger  of  Namyawiza, 
but  since  Accho  is  like  Migdol  in  Egypt,  i.e.,  since 


ARTAMANYA,  LAPAYA,  SHUARDATA 


229 


Accho  being  an  Egyptian  city  is  like  one  of  the 
fortresses  on  the  frontier  of  Egypt,  he  thinks  that 
Zirdaiashda  must  not  be  given  up  to  his  foes  (B.  32, 
94,  95). 

39.  Letter  from  Artamanya,  king  of  Zir- 
Bashan,  to  the  King,  reporting  loyalty  (B.  132). 

40.  Letters  from  Lapaya  to  the  King,  explaining 
how  the  city  was  captured  by  the  enemy,  and  denying 
the  charge  of  rebellion  which  has  been  made  against 
him ;  he  says,  "  Indeed  I  am  a  loyal  servant  of  the 
"king,  I  have  neither  sinned  against  him  nor  made 
"rebellion  against  him,  and  I  am  ready  to  pay  the 
"  taxes  which  I  am  bound  to  pay,  and  to  perform  the 
"commands  of  my  chief.  Indeed  they  have  told  false- 
"  hoods  about  me,  but  let  not  the  king  think  that  I 
"  have  been  rebellious."  It  is  true  that  I  did  go  into 
the  city  of  G-ezer,  but  that  was  in  order  to  obtain 
soldiers;  and  the  king  may  take  everything  which  I 
have  if  only  he  will  examine  into  the  reports  against 
me  made  by  Milkili  and  decide  concerning  them.  I  do 
not  know  what  has  happened  to  Dummuya,  or  whether 
he  has  joined  the  Habiri  or  not.  Moreover,  if  the  king- 
were  to  write  to  me  for  my  wife  I  would  not  refuse  to 
send  her,  and  if  he  were  to  order  me  to  stab  myself  with 
a  bronze  dagger  and  die  I  would  certainly  do  so 
(B.  112). 

41.  Letters  from  Shuardata  to  the  King.  (1) 
Shuardata  has  taken  the  city  of  Kilti,  apparently 
against  the  wish  of  the  king ;  Abdi-khiba  tried  to  bribe 


230 


LETTERS  FROM  MILKILI 


the  people  of  Kilti,  but  failed.  On  the  other  hand 
Abdi-khiba  has  taken  the  city  of  Shu ar data,  whilst  he, 
i.e.,  Shuardata,  has  not  taken  an  ox,  or  an  ass,  or  a 
man  from  him  or  his  city.  Lapaya  who  was  in  league 
with  Abdi-khiba,  and  plundered  our  cities  with  him,  is 
dead.  (2)  Shuardata  is  unable  to  go  to  Egypt,  ap- 
parently because  he  has  no  money,  moreover,  as 
Yankhamu,  the  Egyptian  official,  is  in  Egypt  he  can  tell 
the  king  whether  Shuardata  has  any  troops  in  his  city 
or  not.  Thirty  towns  are  in  league  against  Shuardata, 
and  his  enemies  are  mighty,  and  he  himself  is  only  one  ; 
the  king  must  help  him.  (3)  The  city  of  Kilti  has 
fallen ;  let  the  king  send  troops  and  then  he  will  be 
able  to  besiege  the  victors  and  to  drive  them  out  from 
the  city  (B.  100,  101,  107). 

42.  Letters  from  Milkili  to  the  King.  (1) 
Milkili  reports  the  safety  of  his  city,  and  the  despatch 
of  slaves,  men  and  women.  The  enemy  are  exceedingly 
hostile,  and  he  begs  the  king  to  rescue  the  country 
from  the  Habiri  ;  the  king  can  verify  his  statements  by 
appealing  to  Yankhamu.  Milkili  went  to  Egypt  to  see 
the  king,  and  probably  as  a  result  of  the  remarks  which 
he  made  to  him  concerning  Yankhamu  this  official  went 
to  Milkili's  city,  and  carried  off  a  large  amount  of 
money  from  his  brother,  and  demanded  that  his  wife 
and  children  should  be  produced  that  he  might  slay 
them.  Milkili  prays  that  the  king  will  send  chariots 
to  take  him  and  the  oppressor  to  the  presence  of  the 
king  without  delay.     In  another  letter  Milkili  begs 


ABDI-KHIBA,  GOVERNOR  OF  JERUSALEM  23I 

that  troops  may  be  sent,  and  wishes  the  king  to  send 
him  some  object  as  a  gift  (Brit.  Mus.  Nos.  29,845, 
29,846,  B.  107-110). 

43.  Letter  from  a  Koyal  Lady  to  the  King, 
reporting  that  strife  has  broken  out  in  the  land,  and 
that  the  king's  territory  has  passed  into  the  hands  of 
the  Habiri  who  have  plundered  Ayaluna  (Ajalon)  and 
Sarha;  the  two  sons  of  Milkili  are  mentioned.  The 
lady  in  her  second  letter  reports  that  the  city  of  Sapuna 
has  been  taken  by  the  Habiri  (?)  (B.  138). 

44.  Letters  from  Abdi-khiba,  governor  of 
Jerusalem,  to  the  King.  The  first  of  these  letters 
opens  with  a  question  in  which  the  writer  says,  "What 
"  [offence]  have  I  committed  against  my  lord  the  king  ?  " 
He  continues,  "  Someone  has  lied  concerning  me  in 
"  saying,  '  Abdi-khiba  has  rebelled  against  his  lord  the 
"  king.'  Behold,  it  was  not  my  father  and.it  was  not 
"  my  mother  who  stablished  me  in  this  position,  but  it 
"  was  the  mighty  arm  of  the  king  himself  who  made 
"  me  master  of  the  lands  and  possessions  of  my  father. 
"  Why  then  should  I  make  rebellion  against  my  lord 
"the  king?  As  the  king  liveth,  they  are  all  lying 
"  concerning  me  to  the  king  because  I  said  unto  my 
"  lord  the  king's  general  (i.e.,  Yankhamu),  1  Why  dost 
"thou  show  favour  to  the  Habiri  (i.e.,  the  king's 
"  enemies),  and  treat  with  roughness  the  heads  of 
"  tribes  of  the  country?'  And  because  I  say  also  that 
"  [if  this  policy  be  followed]  the  territories  of  my  lord 
"  the  king  will  be  laid  waste,  they  speak  against  me  to 


232       ABDI-KHIBA,   GOVERNOR  OF  JERUSALEM 

"the  king.  Let  iny  lord  the  king  know  that  the  king 
"  my  lord  had  established  an  outpost  [in  this  city],  but 
"  Yankhamu  has  removed  it."  ....  The  king  must 
take  heed  to  his  land  if  he  wishes  to  keep  it.  The 
cities  of  the  king  of  Egypt  which  were  under  the  rule 
of  Ilu-milki  have  rebelled,  and  if  this  sort  of  thing 
continues  the  whole  of  the  king's  possessions  in  the 
country  will  be  lost.  Abdi-khiba  is  very  anxious  to  go 
to  Egypt  that  he  may  look  upon  the  face  of  the  king, 
but  he  cannot  leave  Jerusalem  because  his  enemies  are 
too  mighty  for  him  ;  if  the  king  will  send  a  company  of 
men  to  guard  the  city  then  he  will  go  to  Egypt  and 
look  upon  the  face  of  the  king.  He  swears  by  the  life 
of  the  king  that  he  never  ceases  to  warn  every  official 
that  the  territory  of  the  king  is  slipping  out  of  his 
hands,  and  if  the  king  will  not  take  heed  to  the  warn- 
ing which  he  is  now  sending  to  him  he  will  soon  have 
no  vassal  princes  left  in  the  land.  The  king  should 
take  heed  to  his  vassal  princes,  and  he  should  send 
troops ;  indeed,  already  the  Habiri  have  laid  waste 
all  the  king's  lands,  and  he  has  nothing  left.  If  the 
king  will  only  send  soldiers  in  the  course  of  the  present 
year  his  hold  on  the  land  may  be  maintained,  but  if  he 
will  not  do  so,  then  all  his  possessions  will  be  lost. 
The  last  two  lines  contain  this  exhortation  to  the 
scribe  who  shall  read  this  letter  to  the  king  of  Egypt : 
"  Speak  clearly,  and  make  the  king  my  lord  to  under- 
stand the  following  words,  f  All  the  lands  of  my  lord 
"  the  king  are  being  destroyed  utterly.'  " 


ABDI-KHIBA,  GOVERNOR  OF  JERUSALEM  233 

In  his  second  letter  Abdi-khiba  begins  by  reporting 
some  occurrence,  but  what,  the  mutilated  state  of  the 
text  prevents  us  from  knowing  exactly,  and  goes  on  to 
say  that  all  the  kings  round  about  are  conspiring 
against  him,  and  that  the  king  must  look  after  his  own 
land,  and  the  people  of  Gezer,  Ascalon,  and  Lachish 
have  undertaken  to  provide  their  troops  with  meat  and 
oil,  and  everything  which  they  may  require.  All  these 
things  are  happening  through  Milkili  and  the  sons  of 
Lapaya,  who  are  bent  on  handing  over  the  country  of 
the  king  into  the  hands  of  the  Habiri.  If  the  king 
will  only  send  troops  this  year  the  princes  will  remain 
loyal  to  Egypt,  and  the  king  will  keep  what  is  his 
own  ;  but  if  they  come  not  there  will  remain  neither 
loyal  princes  nor  lands  to  the  king.  Abdi-khiba 
repeats,  "  Behold  this  country  of  Jerusalem  !  Neither 
"  my  father  nor  my  mother  gave  it  unto  me,  but  it  was 
"  the  mighty  arm  of  the  king  himself  who  gave  it  unto 
"me."  Abdi-khiba  explains  his  reasons  for  treating 
the  Kashi  as  he  did,  but  if  the  king  has  any  doubt 
about  the  propriety  of  his  acts  let  him  inquire  of  the 
Egyptian  officials  concerning  the  matter.  Adaya 
revolted,  but  as  soon  as  the  Egyptian  officer  Paura 
went  up  to  Jerusalem  Adaya  made  peace  with  him. 
Abdi-khiba  is  unable  to  ensure  a  safe  conduct  for  the 
transport,  because  the  last  convoy  was  robbed  on  the 
plain  of  Ajalon;  nevertheless  the  king  has  set  his  name 
upon  the  city  of  Jerusalem  for  ever,  and  he  cannot 
therefore  leave  the  country  round  about  it  to  its  fate. 


234       ABDI-KHIBA,  GOVERNOR  OF  JERUSALEM 

The  last  two  paragraphs  are  addressed  to  the  royal 
scribe  in  Egypt ;  in  the  first  Abdi-khiba  begs  him  to 
"  speak  clearly  and  make  the  king  my  lord  to  under- 
"  stand  these  words,  'lama  man  in  authority  under 
"  the  king,'  "  and  in  the  second  he  appears  to  beg  for 
the  scribe's  support  in  the  affair  of  the  Kashi.  In  his 
third  letter  Abdi-khiba  says :  Behold,  the  king  hath 
stablished  his  name  from  the  rising  up  of  the  sun  even 
unto  the  going  down  of  the  same.  They  have  told  lie 
upon  lie  about  me.  Indeed  (or  lo !),  I  am  no  personage 
of  rank,  nay,  I  am  but  a  humble  servant  of  my  lord  the 
king ;  I  am  a  man  in  authority  under  the  king,  and  I 
bring  tribute  unto  him.  It  was  neither  my  father  nor 
my  mother  who  stablished  me  over  the  lands  of  my 
father,  but  it  was  the  mighty  arm  of  the  king  my  lord 
himself.  When  Shiita  and  the  other  Egyptian  officer 
came  to  me  I  gave  each  of  them  slaves  and  other 
things  as  gifts  for  the  king.  The  kings  of  all  the  land 
between  Shiri  and  Ginti-kirmil  have  rebelled,  and  they 
treat  me  as  a  foe.  Whilst  the  king  had  ships  upon  the 
sea  the  mighty  hand  of  the  king  was  in  possession  of 
Nahrima  and  Kash,  but  now  the  Habiri  hold  these 
places,  and  the  king  has  not  one  loyal  prince  left. 
Turbasa  was  slain  at  the  gate  of  Zilu,  and  yet  the  king- 
does  nothing !  The  servants  of  Zimrida  are  doing 
their  utmost  to  capture  and  kill  him,  and  still  the  king- 
does  nothing !  Yapti-Addu  has  also  been  slain  at  the 
gate  of  Zilu,  and  still  the  king  does  nothing.  The 
king  must  take  heed  to  his  land,  and  send  troops,  but 


ABDI-KHIBA,  GOVERNOR  OF  JERUSALEM  235 


if  he  will  not  do  this  he  must  send  one  of  his  officials 
to  rescue  Abdi-khiba  and  his  brethren,  so  that  they 
may  die  with  the  king.  Finally,  the  scribe  of  the  king 
of  Egypt  is  begged  to  speak  clearly  these  words  to  the 
king.  In  his  fourth  letter  Abdi-khiba  reports  that 
Milkili  has  revolted,  and  has  joined  himself  to  the  sons 
of  Lapaya  and  the  sons  of  Arzawaya,  and  asks  why  the 
king  of  Egypt  has  not  punished  him  for  so  doing. 
Milkili  and  his  father-in-law  Tagi  have  taken  the  city 
of  Rubutu,  and  none  of  the  king's  troops  are  left  there. 
The  official  Puru  is  in  Gaza,  and  the  king  should  give 
him  a  company  of  soldiers ;  Abdi-khiba  asks  that 
Yankhamu  be  sent  to  look  after  the  king's  possessions. 
In  his  fifth  letter  Abdi-khiba  reports  that  Milkili  and 
Shuardata  have  gathered  together  the  soldiers  of 
Gazri,  and  Gimti,  and  Kilti,  and  have  seized  the 
district  of  Rubutu,  which  has  thereby  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  Habiri,  and  is  thus  lost  to  the  king  of 
Egypt.  Moreover,  a  city  called  Bit-Ninib,  which  is 
actually  in  the  country  belonging  to  Jerusalem,  has 
been  taken  by  the  Kilti.  Let  the  king  hearken  to 
his  servant  Abdi-khiba  and  send  him  troops  that  he 
may  regain  possession  of  the  lands  of  the  king,  for 
unless  he  does  so  the  whole  country  will  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  Habiri.  The  other  letters  of  Abdi- 
khiba  contain  frequent  and  earnest  requests  for  help, 
and  report  the  rebellious  acts  of  Milkili,  Tabi,  the 
sons  of  Lapaya,  etc.  (B.  Nos.  102-106,  149,  174, 
199). 


236  ADDU-MIHIR,  TAGI,  BIRIDIYA 

45.  Letters  from  Addu-Mihir,  assuring  the  king 
of  his  loyalty  and  fidelity  (B.  167,  168). 

46.  Letters  from  Tagi,  the  father-in-law  of 
Milkili.  He  reports  that  he  is  unable  to  send  his 
letters  and  gifts  to  the  king  because  he  is  now,  unfor- 
tunately, sick ;  this  fact  the  king  can  verify  by  con- 
sulting the  Egyptian  inspector  of  the  district.  He 
says,  "  Behold,  our  eyes  are  upon  thee,  for  whether  we 
"  go  up  into  the  heights  of  heaven,  or  descend  into  the 
"  depths  of  earth  our  head  is  still  in  thy  hand."  He 
is  very  anxious  to  send  the  gifts  which  are  due  to  the 
king,  and  he  will  do  his  best  to  do  so  by  the  hands  of  a 
friend,  who  is  also  in  the  king's  service.  In  his  second 
letter  Tagi  says,  "I  look  hither  and  I  look  thither, 
"  and  there  is  no  light  whatsoever,  but  when  I  look 
"  upon  the  face  of  my  lord  the  king  there  is  light."  He 
sends  with  his  protestations  of  fidelity  a  gift.  In  his 
third  letter  he  reports  that  someone  has  plundered  his 
land  and  carried  off  men,  silver,  and  sheep,  and  that 
now  he  no  longer  has  any  authority  over  the  cities 
which  the  king  entrusted  to  him.  Tagi  sends  this 
letter  through  Pahura,  and  begs  that  a  company  of 
soldiers  with  horses  may  be  sent  (B.  Nos.  156,  169  ; 
Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,853). 

47.  Letters  from  Biridiya  of  Megiddo.  (1)  Ke- 
porting  that  the  two  sons  of  Lapaya  are  giving  help  to 
the  Habiri,  and  asking  the  king  to  take  heed  to  his 
possessions.  (2)  Reporting  that  he  is  guarding  the 
city  of  Makida  both  by  day  and  by  night  on  behalf  of 


WYASHDATA,  SHUARDATA 


237 


the  king,  and  that  the  Habiri  are  obtaining  great 
power  in  the  country.  (3)  Keporting  some  gift  made 
to  the  king,  and  complaining  of  harsh  treatment  at  the 
hands  of  the  king's  enemies.  (4)  Reporting  that  as 
soon  as  the  Egyptian  soldiers  left  the  city  Lapaya  cut 
off  the  food  supplies  and  would  not  allow  him  (i.e., 
Biridiya)  to  go  outside  the  gate.  Lapaya  is  doing  his 
utmost  to  take  the  city,  and  Biridiya  entreats  the  king- 
to  send  two  companies  of  soldiers  to  occupy  and  save  it, 
for  if  Makida  falls  Lapaya  will  certainly  cause  him  to 
die  a  horrible  death  (B.  Nos.  Ill,  113-115). 

48.  Letter  from  Wyashdata,  reporting  that  all 
the  possessions  which  had  been  entrusted  to  him  by  the 
king  have  been  seized  by  the  people  of  Tada,  and  that 
a  raid  has  been  made  upon  his  cattle  and  many  of  them 
were  driven  off ;  he  also  announces  that  he  has  made  a 
league  with  Biridiya,  who  appears  to  have  been  the 
governor  of  Megiddo  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,842). 

49.  Letters  from  Shuardata,  the  governor  of  the 
city.  (1)  Reporting  that  all  his  troops  have  fled,  and 
that  he  is  left  alone ;  he  makes  the  usual  appeal  for 
help,  and  accompanies  it  with  a  gift.  (2)  Reporting 
that  he  has  been  left  alone,  and  begging  for  the 
despatch  of  a  large  body  of  troops  to  help  him  out  of 
his  difficulties.  (3)  Reporting  that  he  will  perform 
the  command  which  "my  lord  the  king,  the  sun-god  in 
heaven,"  hath  sent  him.  He  abases  himself  seven 
times  in  homage  to  the  king,  and  declares  that  he  is 
the  dust  of  his  feet.     (4)  Reporting  the  continued 


238 


ABDI-TIRSHI,  YAPAKHI 


hostility  of  the  governors  round  about  him,  and 
begging  the  king  to  send  a  body  of  troops  to  protect 
him  and  his  city  (Brit.  Mus.  Nos.  29,850,  29,851, 
29,852  ;  B.  No.  190). 

50.  Letters  from  Abdi  -  Tirshi  of  Khasur 
(Hazor).  (1)  Reporting  that  he  will  guard  the  city 
of  Hazor  until  the  arrival  of  the  king's  soldiers,  and 
assuring  the  king  that  when  his  despatch  reached  him 
it  was  just  as  if  the  sun  had  risen  upon  him;  the  news 
that  the  king  is  about  to  come  has  filled  him  with  joy. 
(2)  Reporting  that  he  is  still  guarding  the  city  on 
behalf  of  the  king,  whose  faithful  servant  he  is,  as  well 
as  all  the  towns  which  are  round  about;  he  trusts  that 
the  king  will  keep  in  remembrance  what  hath  befallen 
the  faithful  and  loyal  city,  and  also  himself,  and  what 
he  has  endured  in  keeping  it  (Brit.  Mus.  Nos.  29,830, 
29,831). 

51.  Letters  from  Yapakhi,  Governor  of  Gezer. 
(1)  Acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the  king's  instruc- 
tions, which  he  well  understands,  and  reporting  his 
loyalty  and  fidelity  to  the  interests  of  the  king.  His 
brother  has  made  a  league  with  the  Habiri,  and  has 
rebelled  against  him,  and  he  and  they  are  taking 
offensive  measures  against  him.  (2)  Acknowledging 
the  receipt  of  a  further  despatch,  and  saying  that  his 
condition  has  become  extremely  serious  because  of  the 
attacks  of  the  Suti  people  ;  but  if  only  he  could  hear  a 
bit  of  good  news  from  the  king  his  heart  would  be 
satisfied  (Brit.  Mus.  Nos.  29,832,  29,833). 


WIDIYA,  YABITIRI 


239 


52.  Letters  from  Widya,  Governor  of  Askelon. 

(1)  He  reports  to  the  king  that  he  is  defending  the 
city  on  his  behalf,  and  that  he  has  provided  cattle, 
sheep,  honey,  oil,  and  drink  for  the  troops ;  he 
expresses  his  readiness  to  pay  the  accustomed  tribute. 

(2)  He  again  reports  that  he  is  defending  the  city 
according  to  the  instructions  which  he  has  received 
from  the  "  sun  in  the  heavens."  The  king  ordered  him 
to  pay  as  tribute  a  number  of  precious  stones,  and  he 
sends  part  of  them,  for  he  cannot  send  all  as  his  "  lord 
"  the  king,  the  sun  in  the  heavens,  the  son  of  the  sun, 
"  whom  the  sun  loveth,  commanded."  1  (3-6)  Further 
reports,  saying  that  he  has  furnished  supplies  to  the 
king's  troops,  and  that  he  is  guarding  his  city  on  the 
king's  behalf.  (7)  Keport  expressing  his  loyalty,  but 
saying  that  he  cannot  protect  the  city  any  longer 
without  help,  and  begging  the  king  to  send  the 
Egyptian  officer  Kianapa  to  him  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,835, 
29,836,  29,837  ;  B.  Nos.  118,  119,  121,  122). 

53.  Letter  from  Yabitiri,  Governor  of  Gaza 
and  Joppa,  expressing  his  loyalty,  and  saying  that 
there  is  no  light  anywhere  for  him  but  with  the  king, 
and  that  though  the  tile  in  the  pavement  may  become 
loose  and  move  away  from  its  place  he  will  never  move 
from  his  position  under  the  feet  of  the  king.    If  the 

1  Widya  here  cleverly  applies  to  the  king  the  titles  to  which  he 
is  accustomed  in  Egypt,  i.e.,  Sa-Ra,  ,  "son  of  the  Sun,"  and 

Ra-meri,  O  *^  0  O  ,  "  lover  of  the  Sun,"  or  "  loved  of  the  Sun." 


240         DAGAN-TAKALA,  ZIMRIDA,  YABNI-ILU 

king  has  any  doubt  about  this  fact  let  him  ask 
Yankhamu,  who  took  him  to  Egypt  as  a  young  man,  and 
who  knows  how  faithfully  he  discharged  his  duties  as 
governor  of  Gaza  and  Joppa.  He  is  ready  to  march 
with  the  royal  troops  wherever  they  may  go,  and  he 
says,  "  The  yoke  of  the  king  my  lord  is  upon  my  neck, 
and  I  will  bear  it "  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,840). 

54.  Letters  from  Dagan-Takala  to  the  King, 
reporting  his  loyalty,  and  saying  that  even  as  his 
father  and  grandfather  were  loyal  to  the  king  of  Egypt 
so  will  he  be  ;  he  begs  that  he  may  be  rescued  from  the 
Habiri  and  the  Suti,  who  have  gained  great  power  in 
the  land  (Brit.  Mus.  No.  29,857;  B.  No.  129). 

55.  Letter  from  Zimrida  of  Lachish,  reporting 
his  loyalty,  and  saying  that  he  will  perform  the 
commands  of  the  king  which  have  been  duly  brought 
to  him  by  the  Egyptian  messenger  (B.  No.  123). 

56.  Letter  from  Yabni-ilu  of  Lachish,  reporting 
his  loyalty,  and  saying  that  he  will  perform  the 
commands  of  the  king  which  have  been  duly  brought 
to  him  by  the  envoy  Maia  (B.  No.  124). 

57.  Letter  said  to  have  been  found  at  Tell  al-Hesi, 
the  supposed  site  of  Lachish,  reporting  an  alliance 
between  Shipti-Addu  1  and  Zimrida  of  Lachish  ;  it  is 
thought  to  have  been  captured  by  the  servants  of 
Zimrida  of  Lachish  (Constantinople). 

1  See  Scheil,  Recueil  de  Travaux,  torn,  xiii.,  1891,  pp.  73,  74; 
Revue  des  Religions,  March,  1891  ;  Journal  Asiatique,  8me  serie, 
torn.  xvii.  pp.  347-349. 


MISCELLANEOUS  LETTERS 


24I 


58.  Among  the  other  writers  of  letters  to  Amen- 
hetep  IV.  and  his  officials  may  be  mentioned :  Shamu- 
Adda  of  Shamhuna  (B.  131),  Shubandi  (Brit.  Mus. 
Nos.  29,821-29,823,  B.  116,  117,  120),  Bayaya, 
Shutarna  of  Mushihuna,  Pu-adda  of  Urza,  Mut-Adda, 
Yama,  Addu-dayan,  Shipti-Addu,  Dashrn,  Zitriyara, 
Shatiya,  the  governor  of  Gubbu,  the  governor  of  Kami, 
Abi-milki  of  Shashimi,  Amayashi,  Yik-tasu,  Baduza, 
Mutzu,  Surashar,  Hiziri,  Kusmana,  the  prince  of 
Taruna,  Zishamini,  the  prince  of  Nazuna,  Diyati,  Tagi, 
Yahzibaya,  Yamyuta,  the  prince  of  Gadashuna, 
Subayadi,  Inbaruta,  etc. 


END  OF  VOL.  IV. 


VOL.  IV. 


B 


LONDON 

GILBERT  AND  RIVISSTON,  LIMITED 

8T.  John's  house,  clerkenwkll,  e.c. 


